This is the second part in a series. You can read Part 1 here.

Warning: The following article contains references to the sexual abuse, rape, and torture of children. While every effort has been made to avoid unnecessary and gratuitous details, several instances of the reported violence have been included for the purpose of exposing the threat posed by mass immigration from Muslim majority regions and the failure to correctly identify, acknowledge, and adequately address that threat. Reader discretion is advised.

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As Chloe’s story evinces, the vast majority of British institutions — from police and prosecutors to social care and health care workers — routinely, regularly, repeatedly failed to protect British girls from the widespread abuse committed by Muslim rape gangs. One girl reported that she was placed in a foster home with Pakistani Muslims, where she was abused and raped. When she became pregnant by rape at the age of 15, her child was removed from the house by social services, but she was made to remain. That same girl testified that her abusers would wait outside social services meetings to pick her up and would even phone social care workers to check on her whereabouts.

When one social care worker suggested noting the license plates of the abusers waiting outside, she was told by her boss that doing so was “above her pay grade” and that she would likely lose her job if she did so. The girl shared her belief that “the staff were aware of what was happening but felt powerless to stop it rather than being actively complicit.” Unlike in Chloe’s case, this girl reported that police repeatedly warned Muslim men to stay away from her but did little beyond issue warnings. She stated that “the greatest harm came not only from the abusers but from institutional disbelief, neglect, and punishment that actively enabled the ongoing exploitation.”

Another girl shared that she was gang-raped by three Muslim men who also beat her and left her locked alone in a room. Her friend and her friend’s mother were alarmed by her cuts and bruises and called the police. After the girl told the police what happened, they said that there was nothing they could do. She was later taken by one of her rapists to the police station to retract her statement. “The police accepted him as her ‘appropriate adult’ — a role normally reserved for a parent, close family member, social worker, or trained professional. The investigation was subsequently dropped.”

When Muslim rape gang members would pick up girls from social services meetings, social care workers would phone the police, who never intervened, instead referring to the rape victims as “prostitutes.” The girl said that “these gangs have remained untouchable because authorities feared being labelled racist.” She said that she was raped by between 600 and 700 men and that “98% of them were Pakistani Muslim,” while the rest “were Iraqi Muslim or Kurdish.”

One woman, who was gang-raped by Pakistani Muslims herself when she was a teenager, later reported her daughter missing multiple times, sharing her concerns that Muslim boys and men were sexually abusing the child. “Police responses were often delayed, statements were not taken, and investigations were closed without further action. Social services refused to relocate the family, downgraded the risk level, and eventually closed the case despite ongoing exploitation.” The woman’s family was threatened by Muslims for reporting her daughter’s sexual abuse, with Muslims threatening to burn her house down or kill her and her family using machetes. When her daughter reported a “sex room” at school where older boys would systematically sexually abuse and rape girls, the woman called school authorities, who refused to investigate and claimed that the woman’s daughter was lying.

One girl was even charged with nine counts of “perverting the course of justice” and sentenced to eight years in prison for reporting the abuse she suffered from Muslim rape gangs. In one instance, the girl reported that she had been raped by a Muslim man who was later arrested and convicted for breaking into a home and sexually assaulting the woman who lived there. Prosecutors still argued that the girl was lying. After reporting that she had been threatened by her abusers, who said that they would kill her brother and rape her sister, the girl was found lying in a field, covered in cuts and bruises and missing a finger. “Following this, she wrote a post on Facebook alleging that she had been a victim of grooming gangs. The post went viral,” the Inquiry recounted. “Within half an hour, the police arrested her and she was sent to prison.”

A man, called “Marlon” in the report, repeatedly raised concerns to police and social services that his 14-year-old daughter was being groomed and sexually abused. While the police urged social services to intervene, social services instead took months to conduct an investigation, eventually telling Marlon’s daughter, who was frequently reported missing, that she could leave the house any time she wanted to and instructing her to call social services if her father tried to keep her home. “Social services undermining his parental authority resulted in her missing episodes escalating dramatically. Social services effectively gave her permission to go missing, and the case was then closed without meaningful intervention.”

Although Marlon would often be out late at night, driving around until four in the morning looking for his missing daughter, police repeatedly dismissed his concerns, often failing to show up at his house for hours after he registered a missing persons complaint. Even when masked men attacked Marlon in his home, after threatening him not to report his daughter missing, the police response was “delayed and dismissive.” Social services even tried to blame Marlon for his daughter’s abductions, abuse, and rape in court, until a judge intervened and determined that what happened to the girl was beyond Marlon’s control.

One girl, after reporting her abuse — repeated rape and gang rape, often filmed — to the police, was pressured by the police to retract her statement and say that she was lying. “She was warned that if any part of her account could not be supported by evidence, she could and would be arrested,” the Inquiry recounted. “For an extended period of time, both officers repeatedly told her how much trouble she would be in if any detail of her statement was disproved, and that she could withdraw the allegation before the interview started with no further consequences. They also suggested that her parents would be relieved if she said the incident had not happened.” The girl was 12 at the time.

When the girl’s parents found sexually explicit test messages on her phone, including photos, they reported it to the police, who dismissed the sexual conversations with adult men as “consensual.” The girl reported that her abusers would traffic her to police officers, in addition to other Muslim men. When she shared her diary with a social care worker, detailing years of rape, sex trafficking, and torture, she was not believed, and the social care worker diagnosed her with dissociative personality disorder. Her abusers told her that they knew when she was “snitching” to the police because “they had people on the inside.”

One girl was forced into a Sharia marriage at the age of 15. “Her social worker attended the marriage ceremony.” In most cases, institutional forces failed or refused to act for fear of being labeled racist or, particularly in the case of the Labour Party, for fear of offending and alienating the Muslim voting bloc. “I don’t think that they care much about us,” one victim said of authorities. “They didn’t want to open that can of worms, because it’s a religion thing.”

Institutional failures were not limited to allowing the continued rape and abuse of victims but extended to the punishment and retaliation against whistleblowers. One social care worker who raised concerns was told that an investigation would soon be launched but later found that investigators had purchased shredders and destroyed evidence. One whistleblower, Caven Vines, compiled records demonstrating that public authorities, including police, local council members, and even MPs were aware of the Muslim rape gang epidemic as early as 2003. He alleges that several MPs have perjured themselves in Parliament in an effort to cover up the abuse and cover up their own knowledge of it. Vines has since been sued into bankruptcy. Other whistleblowers include men who have helped law enforcement track down and identify Muslim rape gang members like activist Tommy Robinson, who has repeatedly been maligned and targeted by the British state and media as a “far-right extremist.”

‘The Religion of Peace’

According to the Rape Gang Inquiry Report, at least 87% and as many as 95% of the men involved in the rape gangs are Muslim, primarily of Pakistani ethnicity, but also of Indian, Somali, Syrian, Iranian, Iraqi, Turkish, and African heritage. “They operated under an honour and shame clan code that treated non-Muslim girls, especially white working-class girls, as property available for sexual use because these girls had no male protectors who could retaliate,” the Inquiry stated. White and Christian girls were regularly referred to as “trash,” “white trash,” and other racial epithets. “The same networks targeted Sikh girls until Sikh communities mobilised collective male protection and forced the gangs to withdraw,” the Inquiry noted. “British girls were not permitted such a defence. This religiously framed exploitation was repeated in every major town and city and beyond.”

One victim reported that she was “repeatedly subject to racially and religiously motivated” abuse and violence. She said that “being white was repeatedly used as a justification for the abuse or to minimise or dismiss the harm being inflicted.” The girl was raised in a Christian household and was repeatedly mocked and degraded for her Christian faith. She wore a small cross on her neck and was ridiculed while being raped for her Christian faith, with her rapists telling her that “her Christian faith offered her no protection” and that “her God had abandoned her” or “would reject me because of what had been done to me.” The Inquiry noted, “Comments were constantly made suggesting that white girls and Christian girls were viewed as having degraded moral character or lower value, whereas Muslim girls were described by some of the men as having dignity and higher moral standing.”

Another victim reported that she had been repeatedly taken to mosques, where she heard imams preach about the inferiority of white people and “infidels,” chiefly Christians, and encouraged Muslim men to sexually abuse white and Christian girls, labeling them inferior to Muslim women. One woman who was subjected to repeated rape by Muslim rape gangs said that she “was explicitly told during the rapes that the attacks were happening because she was white and because she was Christian.” She was referred to repeatedly as a “white slag,” a “white whore,” and a “white c***.” She recounted, “I was told that Muslim girls are good and pure, and stay virgins until marriage, but all white girls are slags, and they all sleep with hundreds of people. I was told white girls are trash. They are all whores. They are lower than sh** under your shoe. They don’t obey Allah, so they deserve to be punished. … They should be raped as punishment for not obeying Allah.”

“I was beaten, strangled, suffocated, and my head held under water, tortured, kicked, and raped over 100 times. I was told that if you don’t scream when you’re raped, then you’re consenting to the rape, so you should be stoned to death,” the woman recalled. “All of the sexual abuse that I experienced was linked to spiritual abuse or religious abuse. Religious scriptures were used as tools of control to force me to conform to their will. I was not allowed to question these religious beliefs,” she continued. “They used their religious ‘moral authority’ and self-proclaimed elitism to control me through use of scripture, forced confessions, censorship of decision making, requirement of secrecy and silence, isolation, excessive shaming and punishment around sexuality, and requiring unquestioning obedience.”

One girl who was raped and took her rapists to trial was verbally assaulted by her rapists’ sister, who shouted “Allahu Akbar” at her. Another girl reported, “Before they raped me, they would chant, ‘Bismillah Hir Rahman Nir Rahim,’” which translates to, “In the name of Allah, the most gracious and most merciful.” Yet another girl said that she knew several Muslim girls, who were sometimes present when she was being sexually assaulted or raped, but that the Muslim men treated the Muslim girls with a higher degree of respect. “They have no compassion,” one girl said. “‘English pig dogs’ came up a lot,” she said of the names her Muslim rapists would call her and other white or Christian girls. “Muslims don’t like pigs and they don’t like dogs. So they hate dogs, they hate pigs,” and they place white and Christian girls “on the same level as that.”

“Britain is not a unique case. This sort of thing goes on anywhere that either welcomes mass migration from Muslim countries or contains long-established Muslim populations,” the Inquiry noted. “There is a consistent pattern of sexual violence directed against non-Muslim minorities in settings where Muslims form the majority.”

Hail the Victor

The publication of the Rape Gang Inquiry Report comes in the midst of international debate on the issue of mass immigration. Many in politics, public policy, academia, and media have pointed to terrorist acts and mass murders committed in the name of Allah or “jihad,” the Muslim concept of a “holy war” against the Western world, as evidence that mass immigration from Muslim majority countries poses an existential threat to the social, moral, legal, and cultural fabric of Western nations, like the U.K. or the U.S.

Under traditional Islamic jurisprudence, the term “hijrah” refers to conquest via immigration, effectively inundating a non-Muslim country so completely with Muslim immigration that Muslims can subsequently undermine, topple, and eventually replace all major institutions and subjugate the nation to Islam. “Islamic jurisprudence also addresses the treatment of non-Muslim populations conquered through jihad,” the Inquiry observed in its report. Islam differentiates between infidels living in Muslim-dominated territories, who are largely considered “safe” from jihad provided certain obligations are fulfilled, and infidels who live in non-Muslim territories, who are fair game for violence, warfare, subjugation, conquest, and eventual enslavement. The Inquiry affirmed that the crimes perpetrated by the Muslim rape gangs “are not isolated instances of criminality, but stem from imported pre-modern clan systems embedded within certain ethno-cultural communities, reinforced by specifically Islamic collectivism.”

The Inquiry labeled the pervasive, endemic nature of the Muslim rape gangs and the timid deference shown to the Muslim rapists by law enforcement, social services, and health care workers as evidence of the gradual Islamization of Britain. However, the political class capitalized on the Islamization of the country, simultaneously furthering it and attempting to curry favor with the Muslim invaders. “The country’s transformation was greatly accelerated under Tony Blair’s New Labour project, which culminated in the Equality Act 2010,” the Inquiry noted. The legislation strengthened so-called “protections” for particular characteristics, particularly demonizing “Islamophobia.”

Many of the police officers, social care workers, health care workers, and school officials interviewed by the Inquiry admitted that they did not report or take action against the mass rapes due to fears of being labeled racist or Islamophobic, and in some cases fearing race riots. “The result was a chilling effect across public institutions. Police forces, social services, and local councils repeatedly chose silence or denial over robust investigation because the political and professional costs of appearing to single out Muslims was deemed too high.”

“What went wrong is now painfully clear. The post war liberal consensus … emphasised diversity, inclusion, and non-judgementalism as supreme virtues. Multiculturalism replaced national self-confidence as the guiding principle,” the Inquiry concluded. “Long-standing British norms around free speech, child protection, and impartial application of the law were subordinated to the need to avoid offending minority sensitivities at all costs. Liberal elites in media, politics, and the public sector internalised the idea that acknowledging cultural or religious factors in crime was itself a form of bigotry,” it continued. “This mindset actively shielded the rape gangs by discouraging the very inquiries and interventions that could have saved thousands of children.”

Muslim immigration into the U.S. poses a similar threat. Already, areas like Texas and Michigan have seen significant increases in their states’ Muslim populations, including the formation of ethnic Muslim enclaves and the rapid increase of mosques. While some American legislators and law enforcement officials are sounding the alarm over the rise of the practice of sharia law, the U.K.’s tragic Rape Gang Inquiry stands as a stark, brutal warning: if it is happening in the U.K. on such an enormous scale, then there is a good chance that it is happening in the U.S. on a smaller scale.

In fact, U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin confirmed recently that federal law enforcement agents have already found similar-style rape gangs. “We have one group that we broke up that these young ladies are claiming they were raped 600 to 700 times, and these are teenage girls now,” Mullin shared, making clear that the victims were children when raped. “We have one that we just broke up recently that was a ring of people that had kept these kids down in a tunnel. You couldn’t write a horror story about how bad this was, couldn’t write a horror story. It’s stuff that I’ll never forget.”

As Britain demonstrates again, whatever smaller scale rape gangs may be operating in the U.S., it will not stay small for very long, and talk of sharia law courts will pale in comparison to the mass rape of hundreds of thousands of American girls if Muslim immigration is not addressed seriously.

AUTHOR

S.A. McCarthy

S.A. McCarthy serves as a news writer at The Washington Stand.

EDITORS NOTE: This Washington Stand column is republished with permission. All rights reserved. ©2026 Family Research Council.

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