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The VDH Doctrine: Bypass Tehran, Recognize Reza Pahlavi’s Government-in-Exile

For over four decades, Washington’s posture toward the Islamic Republic of Iran has oscillated between containment, targeted economic sanctions, and episodic diplomatic engagement. Historian and military strategist Victor Davis Hanson argues that this paradigm has proven utterly ineffective at checking Tehran’s regional aggression or supporting the democratic aspirations of the Iranian public. During a high-profile broadcast exchange with commentator Mark Levin, Hanson put forward a provocative shift in U.S. foreign policy: formal diplomatic recognition of an Iranian government-in-exile headed by Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi.

Hanson’s proposal fundamentally challenges the conventional wisdom of Middle Eastern diplomacy. Rather than treating the clerical regime as the permanent, sole legitimate authority in Tehran, the United States would actively construct a parallel diplomatic reality — one that isolates the ruling theocracy, provides an institutional anchor for internal and external opposition, and charts a credible path toward democratic restoration.

The core of Victor Davis Hanson’s proposal rests on fundamentally shifting American foreign policy away from the perpetual management of the Islamic Republic and toward its active delegitimization. During his discussions with Mark Levin, Hanson argued that decades of containment, economic sanctions, and episodic negotiations have only subsidized the clerical regime’s survival while ignoring the overwhelmingly secular, pro-Western aspirations of the Iranian public. By proposing that Washington explicitly bypass Tehran and formally recognize an Iranian government-in-exile, Hanson challenges the traditional diplomatic status quo. This strategy aims to strip the ruling theocracy of its international standing, isolate its diplomatic channels, and create a structured external pressure point that forces the regime to absorb the full financial and political costs of its domestic tyranny and regional proxy warfare.

The core pillar of Hanson’s argument is that the United States must stop according de facto legitimacy to the Islamic Republic. For decades, Western powers have operated under the assumption that negotiations — whether over nuclear proliferation, regional proxies, or maritime trade — are the only practical mechanism for managing Iranian hostility. Hanson rejects this premise, asserting that engaging with the regime merely subsidizes its survival and undermines most of the Iranian populace, who remain inherently secular, anti-theocratic, and pro-Western.

By formally recognizing a government-in-exile, Washington would send a clear signal: the ruling clerics no longer possess the legal or moral authority to represent the state of Iran on the global stage. Hanson emphasizes that the U.S. should explicitly refuse to negotiate with the current regime and instead engage directly with this provisional alternative. This shift would strip Tehran of its status as an accepted diplomatic actor, isolating its diplomats, restricting its international standing, and forcing the regime to absorb the full political and financial costs of its domestic oppression and regional subversion.

A central pillar of this strategy is establishing a unified political anchor by tapping Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi to head the provisional government under strict, conditional parameters. Rather than facilitating the return of an absolute monarchy, Hanson stresses that U.S. recognition must be contingent on Pahlavi acting strictly as a temporary steward whose primary mandate is organizing free, multi-party democratic elections within one to two years of the regime’s collapse. This approach directly addresses the historic fragmentation of the Iranian opposition, providing internal dissidents, potential military defectors, and foreign allies with a legitimate focal point. By pairing Pahlavi’s long-standing advocacy for secular democratic pluralism with formal Western backing, Hanson’s framework seeks to convert passive resistance into an organized successor state ready to manage a stable post-theocratic transition.

Crucially, Hanson specifies that U.S. recognition must be conditional. The exile government and Pahlavi must commit to a binding agreement: upon returning to a liberated Iran, the interim administration must organize and conduct free, multi-party democratic elections within one to two years. This constraint addresses historical anxieties regarding dynamic power shifts in the region, ensuring that the provisional authority serves strictly as a bridge to a secular republic or constitutional framework chosen directly by the Iranian nation.

As Mark Levin noted during their discussion, Pahlavi has spent decades advocating for political pluralism, secularism, and human rights rather than personal power. Structuring recognition around a strict transitional deadline guarantees that the government-in-exile remains a vehicle for democratic self-determination rather than an autocratic alternative.

One of the greatest historical obstacles facing the Iranian pro-democracy movement has been fragmentation. While internal uprisings — such as the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement — demonstrate widespread domestic resistance, the lack of an organized political head has allowed the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) to suppress protests piecemeal.

An officially recognized government-in-exile fundamentally alters this dynamic:

  • Unified Political Anchor: It provides a singular, legitimate focal point around which internal dissidents, military defectors, and international allies can rally.
  • Administrative & Financial Utility: A formal exile entity could issue international documentation, establish independent funding channels, and represent Iranian national assets currently frozen abroad.
  • Psychological Pressure on Tehran: As Levin pointed out, the existence of an internationally backed alternative government creates intense strategic anxiety within the clerical establishment, signaling that a structured successor state is prepared to take power the moment the regime falters.

Hanson’s strategic vision extends beyond diplomatic symbolism; it represents a comprehensive doctrine for long-term Middle Eastern stability. The Islamic Republic functions as the principal engine of instability across the Levant and the Persian Gulf, funding a network of armed proxies. Hanson argues that attempting to manage or appease this system is a proven failure.

By aligning American power directly with the democratic aspirations of the Iranian people, the U.S. can help catalyze the collapse of the theocracy from within. Establishing a recognized government-in-exile bridges the gap between Washington’s stated commitment to Iranian freedom and its practical foreign policy, transforming passive opposition into an active strategy for democratic transition. Hanson’s proposal provides an actionable, realist blueprint for ending forty-five years of hostility — not through endless war or futile appeasement, but through the deliberate, institutional delegitimization of the clerical dictatorship.

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California Is Where Democracy Died

WATCH: Victor Davis Hanson: What’s Really Going on During California’s Election Month

Editor’s note: This is a lightly edited transcript of today’s video from Daily Signal Senior Contributor Victor Davis HansonSubscribe to our YouTube channel to see more of his videos.


Hello, this is Victor Davis Hanson for the Daily Signal.

California, as we’re seeing through the lenses of the Los Angeles mayoral race, is a dysfunctional state. The Democrats talk a lot about democracy dying in darkness. Democracy is dying in California.

Now, what do I mean by that?

When you look at the LA mayoral race, you start to see a familiar pattern that all of us who live in California have noticed in state Assembly, state Senate races, and congressional races, and we saw it on the national scale as well.

But in California, what happens is a conservative candidate will take a lead or finish ahead on election day, and then, almost with a smirk, the Democrat opponent counts on ballots, mailed-in ballots that start to appear a week, two weeks, three weeks, four weeks after the actual election deadline, and they are at ratios of 5-to-1, 10-to-1, 20-to-1.

And they show the power of the SEIU and other public employee unions, as well as the California Teachers Association, the big money from the billionaire class of Silicon Valley, etc.

And then the Democrat candidate that we thought lost actually wins. And then if you allege that something’s wrong, you’re called a conspiratorial nut or an election denier.

But Spencer Pratt was ahead by seven points, and Ms. [Nithya] Raman had already given a concession speech.

And now it’s a week after the polls closed, and suddenly these troves started appearing all week, in which it wasn’t 2-to-1. She was the third candidate when the election day tallies had begun, and we had about 50% to 60% of the vote. She was well behind Spencer Pratt and well, well behind Karen Bass.

Suddenly, these ballots started coming in, and they were overwhelmingly for the third candidate, Raman.

And now, as I’m speaking, suddenly Spencer Pratt lost his lead that he had established and apparently everybody thought he had won. It’s a familiar pattern.

Now, why does this happen?

It happens because there is a Democrat monopoly in California. We haven’t had a Republican governor in about 15 years. We have no statewide Republican elected officials.

There is a supermajority in the state Assembly and the state Senate. Because the governor appoints Superior Court, appellate court, and Supreme Court justices, we haven’t had a single conservative justice appointed in 15 years, and most of the conservatives under Arnold Schwarzenegger have now retired.

So the executive, legislative, and judicial branches are all controlled by the left and the Democratic Party.

Now, why did that happen? Why did the state of California that was run by Ronald Reagan, George Deukmejian, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and Pete Wilson, what happened?

Well, the state bureaucracies during the period of Jerry Brown’s first term and his second term, and Gray Davis’ short term, they began regulating administratively, stopping construction, raising taxes in the legislature with thin majorities.

And pretty soon, a large number of Californians that were upper middle class, middle class, and lower middle class said, I can’t take this anymore. The schools are bad. We have the most illegal aliens. We have the most foreign-born. We have the most welfare recipients. We have the most homeless. We have the highest sales, highest gas, highest electricity, highest gas taxes. Schools were rated in the bottom 10. Reason Magazine just judged us 49th in roads, etc.

And they left, 12 million. This year, maybe 300,000 to 500,000.

These were the conservative party of California, the Republican Party. They’re gone. We also, during this period, let in about 10 million people over 40 years who came here illegally, and many of them came from south of the border and were very impoverished.

So, today, that constituency is heavily reliant on union jobs and public largesse. Half of all births in California are Medi-Cal, and 40% of the population is on public assistance via Medi-Cal.

And then we have the Silicon Valley billionaire class that dominates, and the upper, upper, upper professional class that dominates the coastal corridor, and they’re not affected by the consequences of their left-wing ideology.

That’s why we have a monopoly, that’s how it happened.

How does that manifest itself in an anti-democratic way?

How do you vote in California? You just register to vote. Does it require anything? Well, you have to have some ID. If you don’t have a driver’s license—and by the way, they give driver’s licenses to illegal aliens—so when they say no illegal aliens are voting, they have a driver’s license that allows them to register to vote.

And because there’s no ID check when you actually vote, of course thousands of them are voting. Everybody knows that.

But more importantly, you don’t have to have any sort of legitimate ID. You can have a credit card. You can do almost anything to register.

If you’re homeless, if somebody comes up to you on the street, and we’ve got over 80,000 to 100,000 people, you can say, do you have an ID? No. Well, we’ll give you an ID number. You don’t have any ID. We don’t know who you are, but just tell us who you are, and then we will register you.

And the same day, you will fill out the ballot. Oh, you can’t read? You don’t know how? You can make a mark, and I will witness it. I can witness 10,000 votes if I want to. Or you can sign your name.

If the signature is only 40% correct, it’s correct. And in 2024, they only rejected 1% of California mail-in ballots.

Then the ballots come in by mail. There’s no ID, and we have ballot harvesting. One person can go to a person’s house and say, I need you to register to vote. Here it is. Show me a credit card, show me anything, or I’ll give you an ID number. And then here’s your ballot. Fill it out. I’ll take it, and I’ll drop it off at a depository.

And that’s why California is screwed up.

We have no authentication of anybody. We have no idea how many homeless people are voting. We have no idea how many illegal aliens are voting.

We have no idea who is voting because people in the government mail out a ballot to every registered voter, whether that person has been living at that address or not.

So, traditionally, everybody who has children that go off to college and then they don’t come back, they get that ballot at their home.

People who are renting still get ballots at that residence when they move out if they don’t tell people.

So there’s thousands of ballots that are floating around for anybody to take, sign, or just make a happy face mark and send in.

And because of that, this Democratic monopoly persists .

And they don’t listen to the people. In 2014, we passed a water bill Proposition 1, over $7 billion to build reservoirs. We were desperate for water, but the bureaucracy didn’t want it, the Sierra Club didn’t want it, the Left didn’t want it. The people wanted it.

 So what did they do? They ignored it. They had $2.3 billion to build reservoirs out of that seven-point-something billion-dollar water bill. They didn’t build the Sites Reservoir. They didn’t build Los Baños Grandes. They didn’t build Temperance Flat. We could have had 7 million acre-feet.

What did they do with it? Gavin Newsom took $250 million of the people’s money designated to build dams, and he blew up four of them. And they were valuable in the Klamath River.

They served recreation. They created clean hydropower. They helped private owners. They had cabins on the lake, and they were flood control, and they were wonderful investments.

He blew them all up. He used money that the people voted to build dams to blow them up.

We have passed Proposition 209 years ago and lately Proposition 16. The people said we do not want racial preferences, no racial preferences, in hiring, in promotion, in admissions, in any state institution.

What did we do? The bureaucracy, the Democratic Party, said, OK, calm down. We won’t do it. And yet if you go to CSU campuses or you go to UC campuses or you go to community college campuses, there are separate graduations by race.

They say they’re not. They say they are theme graduations or auxiliary graduations, but there is nobody out of that particular tribe or ethnic group that goes to those. They are segregated.

There are segregated theme houses. There is preference still in admissions. They call it community service or community activities, but they find ways to use race in hiring, admissions, and promotion, and they ignore the will of the people.

They have done it for 30 years, and there’s no consequences because the judiciary is overwhelmingly left-wing. In fact, it’s more left-wing than the legislature.

We had redistricting. We passed a law years ago that said a bipartisan commission of five Republicans, five Democrats, and four independents would redistrict according to population and geography without politics.

No sooner had they done that than Democrats who had power in the state lowered that facade, and they began bringing groups to testify and say, well you need to consider race and ethnicity, and this group’s underserved, and that group’s underserved.

And before you knew it, they had redistricted so that although 40% of Republicans vote in national elections in California, 40% of the electorate vote Republican, we were only getting about out of 52 congressional seats, we were getting about 10 or 12, and then we went to nine.

As I speak today, the bipartisan disinterested election commission has redistricted so that we have seven. About 13% of congressional district is Republican.

And by the way, the Democrats added that to the original bill, it just said state redistricting for Senate and State Assembly seats. They added the congressional seats.

Is that enough for the Democrats? No. Even though Donald Trump got over 38% in the last national election from California voters, 30% of them voted for Trump, and although we only have about 13% representation in the Congress, hey redistrict again.

Gavin Newsom introduced a bill, the Democratic power lobbies funded it, and now we’re going to go down to about five seats. So they want to get down to around 6% or 7%, that’s not enough.

So you add all of this up, and what is the pattern? The pattern is they created ballot laws and said they were legal. And they ensure that Democratic candidates are going to win when you don’t have IDs, you have same-day registration, and you don’t have to have any ID to get a driver’s license that serves as the basis for, and when I say no ID, I mean no legitimate ID, which serves as the basis for registration and voting.

So, if you have the voting, and if you have the judiciary, and you ignore propositions, so when people pass propositions, the bureaucracy and elected officials say we’re still going to discriminate by race, we’re just not going to build dams, we’re not going to build reservoirs. That’s your problem.

And oh, we’re going to have a bipartisan commission, but we’ll find a way to help Democratic incumbents, and we’ll do it by race as well.

Add it all up, and California is where democracy died.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of the Daily Signal.

AUTHOR

Victor Davis Hanson

Victor Davis Hanson is a Daily Signal senior contributor, hosting a podcast, producing video commentaries, and writing a weekly column. He is the author of “The Counterrevolution The Fall and Rise of Donald Trump and the MAGA Movement.”

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Zombies, DEI, and the Fall of LA: Why Spencer Pratt Is on the Rise

Victor Davis Hanson: The Human Cost of ‘Toxic Empathy’

Editor’s note: This is a lightly edited transcript of today’s edition of “Victor Davis Hanson: In His Own Words” from Daily Signal Senior Contributor Victor Davis Hanson. Subscribe to Victor Davis Hanson’s own YouTube channel to watch past episodes.

Jack Fowler: Well, you know what’s not a beautiful place to live, Victor, segueing, is Los Angeles. And you talked with Sami about the really terrific, I think, debate between the mayoral candidates, Karen Bass and Spencer Pratt, the Republican who you’ve actually talked to, and you’ve talked about talking to him and Nithya Raman, who’s a city councilwoman.

Victor Davis Hanson: Yes.

So, we won’t re-go over the debate again, but just to let folks know that an online poll from NBC Los Angeles showed that, as of Thursday morning, this was right after the debate, 89% of the voters picked Spencer Pratt, when asked who they thought had emerged victorious from the Wednesday night showdown.

Now, two other things, and then please, any opinions you please share. Today, Karen Bass has announced she’s withdrawing from the next mayoral debate. This was being sponsored by the League of Women Voters and the Pat Brown Institute for Public Affairs.

She had promised she would come, but I think she got her, you know, her hiney kicked by Pratt the other day. And she’s just gonna ghost them.

And then finally, worth raising about the debate is that Nithya Raman, the city councilwoman who was running, during the debate she backed off her—she had a position change.

Guess what, Victor? She used to be for defunding the police. She’s no longer for defunding the police. So—

Hanson: No longer, for now.

She will if she were to be elected. She’s on the City Council—once the race is over, she’s a City Council member, they’re all Democrats, she will go back to do that. It’s chaos. It’s really tragic, what’s happened to Los Angeles. And Karen Bass was a deer in the headlights at that debate.

Both of them are incumbents. One was an incumbent City Council member and one was the mayor. And they all had a hand in the policies of no cash bail, not arresting people for theft under a particular, you know, they eased that. It wasn’t just $950. Even when people did a little bit more, they kind of winked and nodded.

There are homeless parks. If you go to Venice Beach—I used to teach at Pepperdine one day a week, and I would ride my bike through there, and even in 2000—I think the last time I did it was 2020—it was just dystopian. I mean, there’s zombie—it looked like, you know, “The Last of Us” or some TV show with all of these zombies.

And then it was filthy dirty. My bike would get human excrement on the tires. And then you go down the Pacific Coast Highway, people were just crazy, walking around in the middle of traffic. Just total chaos.

And then when he brought all this up, all they could say is he’s Donald Trump or he’s a right-wing Republican. And he’s apolitical. I think he’s an independent.

All he stuck to was we didn’t have water and the fire burned down. And then you won’t even issue building permits. You wouldn’t let us clean the hills so we could get that flammable brush out. We tried. You didn’t do that. Your fire chief was more interested in DEI than monitoring why all these hundreds of fire hydrants did not work.

Your power and water grandee who was hired, kind of, was a flunky from PG&E. You paid her $700k. She left two critical reservoirs for months dry, right during the Santa Ana wind season, when we had this flare-up.

You went to Ghana for no reason, just for a personal—your vice mayor, as I said to Sami, was under house arrest for phoning in a bomb threat. Of course, it was a feint—he claimed that Israel had phoned in a bomb threat, and it was a complete lie. He’s in jail, I think, now.

And your fire chief was bragging about her DEI hiring. But nobody was saying that we’re in a very fragile landscape where we have to get these reservoirs full, because they had other interests.

And every time you mention that about DEI, diversity, equity, and inclusion, the problem with it is it’s not just commission, it’s omission.

When you put so many resources and so much virtue signaling and performance art all about how diverse we are, and you never ask yourself, is that person meritocratically hired? Is that person competent? Because 6 million people’s lives depend on that job, in the air traffic controller or in the water and power or getting oil. And the answer is, we don’t care.

And that’s why Spencer Pratt’s ads are so effective. He walks through the detritus of Los Angeles, and then he superimposes Gavin Newsom and Karen Bass laughing in very beautiful homes.

And his point is the ramifications, the consequences of these people’s ideology never affects them. For them, it’s all some utopian exercise and we’re all the lab rats. We’re in cages, and we can’t get out, and they experiment on us. And then they go home to nice, happy, secure lives, and they’re well paid. And their pay has nothing to do with their actual performance.

And then when you see Gavin Newsom endorse her and say all these things, and then you see people on the debate stage for the governor’s race, which was really pathetic, they were all praising Gavin Newsom, and you say to yourself, California fell apart around 2008/’06, it started going downhill. People started to leave. Taxes started to get really high.

Who, more than anybody, could have been responsible? Because it was a Bay Area phenomenon where it started. Well, who was City County official? Gavin Newsom, eight years. Who was mayor? Gavin Newsom, eight years. Who was lieutenant governor? Gavin Newsom, eight years. Who was governor? Gavin Newsom for six years now and counting.

So, there’s no person more responsible. And yet when you see him talk, Jack, if you mention high-speed rail, he said, oh, you know—he just moves his hands and just shakes his head and he says, we’ve got this going and this.

And you say, you’ve spent $250—it’s gonna be $250 billion. You probably spent $30 billion. There’s no way you can build it. There’s no way you can run it if it was free. And he just ignores it.

And then when you say, after the Paradise Fire or the Aspen Fire or the Palisades Fire, don’t you get it, that you drove out all the lumber companies? They can’t glean the hillsides. You don’t let people go up and harvest wood.

You think it’s natural to let all these dead trees from the drought just sit there, 60 million of them, as kindling? And then you say, you have no margin of error, Gavin.

You drove out two big refineries. You’ve got all of these people on the Air Resources Board that wants the purest gas that doesn’t pollute, and you can only get it in the Caribbean distillery and refineries in Japan.

And you talk about fossil fuels as evil, but then you import it from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf. Do you think that they pump it more ecologically sound than we could?

Fowler: Right.

Hanson: So, you want to use it, but you just don’t want to get your hands dirty. And then when the price goes up, you have a Steven Chu attitude that you don’t express. Well, gas goes up to European levels, we’ll use less.

Well, yeah, if you live in Palo Alto and Santa Monica and Montecito, you don’t care. But if you live in Huron or, I don’t know, Five Points or Parlier, you do care. And $2 can break you if you’ve got to commute. Maybe you can’t afford a Tesla. You have maybe a 2003 Pontiac or something that gets about 16 miles to the gallon, and you can buy it for 1,500 bucks.

But they have no idea. And why, the people who are harmed the most by them, vote for them, I don’t know. But if it’s not sustainable, as I said to Sammy, it won’t go on. And we’re getting to peak dystopia.

That it’s not going—it’s not working.

Fowler: Yeah. The fact that Pratt seemingly has traction here is helpful, Victor. But I think it’s a test here.

Can a city that’s been so committed to such self-inflicted wounds, can the people snap to their senses and say, we’re not gonna do this anymore? I don’t know. It seems like there’s some hope here. But if he loses, I would think all these big cities are just—they’re circling the drain. How much torture can you create and—

Hanson: I think if you go into the LA area now and you go into places in Orange County or communities along the coast, blue-chip places, or you go into Simi Valley, you’re starting to see the breakup of the idea of Los Angeles.

They’re just small communities, and they’re run locally, and they want nothing to do with LA, and they’re very suspicious of anybody coming in anymore. You know what I mean?

They’re trying to reestablish local control and they’re saying, we’re gonna be like Augustine in North Africa in the fifth century AD when the whole world was collapsing. They’re gonna have fortified Hippo or something, communities.

And I think that’s what’s—it’s very similar to the late Byzantine Empire and the late Western Empire where as the federal system collapses and the elected officials collapse and you have these huge migrations of people that are antithetical to the system and the people in power are incompetent and corrupt, then people, on their own, they either migrate, which is happening now, or they create cocoons where—

I’ll give you an example. There’s a rural school not too far from here. I grew up with it. It was just a rural school. But some very, you know, concerned people began to move into that district. And then they fixed the school up. And then they began paying much more in that little school district, and they recruited the best teachers in the country. And now that school, a rural school, K-8, I think it is, you have to register when your child is born, to get into it.

But they’re very careful. They moved there. They live in that district. And they said to this wider world, we don’t believe in your schools. We don’t believe in any of this. We’re going to go live near a school. Get our school board. Control it. And then we’re going to have meritocratic hiring only.

And we’re not going to have any DEI. We’re not going to have any teachers union. We’re not going to have any of that weaponized curriculum. Just a classical curriculum. And everybody wants to go there. And they’re very careful.

And where I live, in a 50-mile radius, I’d say there’s three or four communities that have decided, you know, as the Romans say, non hic porcus. Not this pig. We’re not going to do it. And they have reestablished local traditions. They have good restaurants. They’re very careful about zoning.

They don’t have a lot of new housing development. They discourage rentals. And they are throwbacks to the 1950s. It works. And they’re very coveted, to live there. And if you want to go to their schools. It’s very hard to get a transfer.

And so, I can see it, where my daughter lives in the foothills, that there’s a whole bunch of people, and they’re not conservative necessarily, from the Bay Area. She lives on a dead-end road. Cul-de-sac. It’s, kind of, about a quarter-mile long, and there are homes there.

And they all have one thing in common. They’re all semi-upper-class or middle-class professionals, at one point. But usually the woman is now raising children at home. They have chickens. They’re back to the land.

And they don’t talk politics. And they’re very involved in Little League, local PTAs, schools. And their whole existence is a rejection of the Bay Area. And that’s why they’re there. They voted with their feet, to stay in California for a variety of reasons, but they’re creating an alternative identity. And I think that’s going to happen.

That’s what red-state America is becoming.

Fowler: Right.

Hanson: Parallel polis.

This is funny, when you see Gavin Newsom, when he looked at—because he is really the most disingenuous politician of my lifetime. He looks at these red states and now they’re redistricting. Now he calls them the Confederate states.

Gavin, if they’re the Confederate states, after the Civil War, the Confederate states were devastated. They were plagued with racism. They were the home of the Klan. They had Jim Crow, and the northern industrial states and New England were booming.

And you tell me how that flipped. Because people vote regardless of ideology. And they’re leaving your paradigm for that paradigm. And they’re not going there for Jim Crow. They’re going there for safety, low taxes, good infrastructure, responsible government, police, security.

And then he said, and I’ll end with this, Jack. He said, or he wrote, he was very anguished because he showed the Confederate states, he called them, and he said their legislatures have redistricted, like Louisiana and now Tennessee. And it’s eight-zero, House seats. Even though the Democrats in those states had 45% in the last election. Or 38%. Look at Alabama’s doing it.

And you just stop and take a deep breath and say, my God, this guy really is shameless. He’s shameless because everybody knows that you can take a blue-state paradigm of New England.

Fowler: Right.

Hanson: And you look at Delaware, New Hampshire. They’re the same. Massachusetts, nine-zero.

They have no representation, even though Trump in those states got from 38 to 45%.

And then you look at California, and under his directorship, we’re going to have about, of the 52 or 53 seats, we’re gonna have maybe 9%. I don’t know, seven Republicans.

And so here he is in the most gerrymandered and biggest state in the union calling others Confederates for doing what New England does and what he does in spades.

It’s really—

Fowler: It’s projectionism, which is their power.

Hanson: I don’t understand his career. I never understood his career. I have never understood it. I understand the Gettys launched it. I understand he was under the tutelage of the Pelosis.

I understand that the Bay Area assumed political power after the riches of Silicon Valley were manifest. I understand Willie Brown. I understand Barbara Boxer, Dianne Feinstein, Nancy Pelosi, Gavin Newsom, Jerry Brown.

I understand that was the power, but he was the prodigal son. He was the black sheep of that group. He never distinguished himself, and yet, somehow he became the most influential Californian in the last 30 years.

Yeah, now he’s handing out diapers.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal.

AUTHOR

Victor Davis Hanson

Victor Davis Hanson is a senior contributor for The Daily Signal, hosting a podcast and producing video commentaries four times per week, and writing a weekly column. Follow on X VDHanson

EDITORS NOTE: This Daily Signal column is republished with permission. ©All rights reserved.

What Are the Current U.S. and Iranian Strategies in the War?

Victor Davis Hanson: Iran’s ‘Art of the Steal’ Fails—Why Trump Isn’t Buying Tehran’s Bluffs

Editor’s note: This is a lightly edited transcript of today’s video from Daily Signal Senior Contributor Victor Davis HansonSubscribe to our YouTube channel to see more of his videos.


Hello, this is Victor Davis Hanson for The Daily Signal.

I’m speaking on the 71st day of the Iran war, but of course, it hasn’t been 71 days. The last real date of bombing, intense bombing—not a tit-for-tat here and there, but the actual day of kinetic activity—was April 8, the actual last day.

So, we’ve had about 31 days of negotiation. The actual war was only 40 days long so far. So, all the anti-war opposition was about something that happened over a month ago.

So, what’s going on in these negotiations? They’ve been in Pakistan, they’ve been through social media connections, there have been special envoys and neutral …

What is going on? And there are two different strategies over this 31-day period. We know what the Iranian strategy is. It feels that although it’s been debanked and it has no foreign currency outlets, and it can’t sell oil, and it’s economically squeezed with a blockade, and it’s losing 500 million a day in input, that hurts the citizens more than it does the regime, and they can keep going and keep going because they feel the United States is going to buckle.

And they hold out one thing we don’t talk about, and that is they do have missiles and drones that are in subterranean caverns they can bring out and use, not against Israel. They think that Israel has been disowned by the American people, so if they hit Israel, it won’t pressure [President] Donald Trump.

It might pressure Israel to strike back, but they’re not as worried about that. They want to hit the Gulf Council states—Saudi Arabia, Oman, the UAE, Kuwait, Qatar. They want to hit them and destroy their ability to refine oil, to pump oil, or their water supplies, to put them out. And they hold that threat over the United States, and that causes tension.

On the one side, Israel said, let’s get going and finish the war. The UAE says, let’s get going, finish the war. Donald Trump says, I’m negotiating. The UAE says, well, don’t negotiate your way home and leave us hanging.

So, there are all these tensions that Iran has created. And on top of that, there are four competing entities that we have to talk to.

We have to talk to, apparently, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, these thugs that have hijacked the government; the regular army that has, essentially, the real power in the country; these figurehead elected officials in parliament that talk a tough game, but they have no power; and then we don’t know the status of the theocracy, the Khamenei family.

We know the supreme leader’s dead, but we don’t know the status of his son, and we don’t know the status of other ayatollahs.

So, that’s their strategy: that if you try to press action, they will send maybe 500, 600 missiles and drones and hit the Gulf. And we don’t know if they have that ability.

Our strategy is we have to squeeze them very quickly economically and not allow them to hit the Gulf. And the way that we have leverage over Iran is we can destroy them as a modern nation if we choose to hit dual targets. And we’ve done that in the past in every single war that I know of: World War II, Korea, Vietnam, the first Gulf War, especially under George H.W. Bush. They hit everything in Iraq. And Bill Clinton in 1999, as I said, took out the whole power grid of Belgrade and every Yugoslav bridge on the Danube.

Barack Obama said, let’s be careful about that in Libya. And then he hit cargo ships, he hit port facilities, hit communication centers. He hit a lot of civilian targets. We haven’t done that. And we can do that, and we’re not doing it because we feel that there’s an Iranian resistance on the eve of assuming power and removing the regime, and they’ll need that infrastructure.

The other restraints on Donald Trump are, of course, the economy and the midterms, and they’re intertwined. I kept saying to you that we have seven months, eight months. We have less than six months now from the midterm date of Nov. 3, 2026.

And the $64,000 question, of course, is, what will be the status of the economy then? And this is a little tricky because all of the economic gurus, and even The Wall Street Journal in particular, had said that we were going to be in a near recession because of the price of energy.

I never quite understood that because they had told us for years that energy had played a smaller and smaller role in our more and more diversified economy.

But nonetheless, it hasn’t yet. If you look at the indicators, the stock market is now at a record high right in the middle of these negotiations.

The gross domestic product is constant at 2%—not great, but it’s still … And it’s going to grow. The level of foreign investment is already starting to show itself. There was a record small number of people filing for unemployment. The jobs report was well—the new jobs report was well over 110,000.

People had said it was only going to be 50. The price of oil, we were told, was going to go to 150. As I’m speaking today, it’s $95. You’ve got to remember that when Donald Trump entered office on Jan. 21, 2025, the price was $80. So, despite the attempt of the Iranians to stop traffic coming into the Strait of Hormuz, it’s only $15 more today than it was.

And that’s not going to calibrate that there’s going to be more and more oil on the market—not just Russian oil that’s being released, but Venezuelan oil—and we’re going to increase pumping.

So, this muddies the waters, and now Donald Trump is starting to think, well, as time goes by and I have less and less time to jump-start the economy before the midterm elections, in which they’ll blame me for inflation, for example, I’ve got to get this war concluded, but I can’t conclude it with a bomb. Otherwise, they’re saying that I’m just like an Obama.

So, he has to determine, can I force them to give up their enrichment? Can I open the [Strait of Hormuz] for everybody and destroy their PT boats and their ability to do anything with their rockets to hit ships? And can I do that in time for the economy to absorb that kinetic action and win the midterms?

And the answer is no one knows, because if the economy is this strong with all of these worries, and if Donald Trump were to hit very quickly some infrastructure in Iran and maybe seal the uranium in these mountains with heavy bombing or disable the ability to unload or load oil on Kharg Island, he might be able to do one of two things: force them into submission, or prompt a resistance movement to take power, or do so much damage that many people have said, Well, they can’t make war now for 20 years.

If they have uranium, it’s deep down inside a mountain, as far as we know, and they don’t have any leadership. They have no navy, they have no air force, and they probably can’t make any drones. And we can still, if we feel like it, blockade them, since there will be no agreement.

And that means that he might have longer than he thinks he does. And instead of having less than six months, he might say, the economy’s pretty strong right now in the middle of the whole mess, and it might get even stronger as more oil gets on the market, and the chances that I can force them to cede to my demands, or I can inflict a level of punishment on them that they won’t … It won’t matter.

They won’t be able to do what they want to do, and that will even help me in the midterms.

So, we’re in an era, a time, a nexus of indecision and known unknowns. But the idea that both these countries are up against time constraints has been somewhat modified because the Iranians feel that they can keep alive, and they don’t care what the status of the people are.

They can put them down, and they have missiles and drones to threaten and maybe get a longer negotiation.

And we were told that, and we all thought that the midterms were the ultimate brake on Donald Trump’s range of options. And maybe it’s not yet, because the economy has been rebounding in ways that no one had forecast.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal.

AUTHOR

Victor Davis Hanson

Victor Davis Hanson is a senior contributor for The Daily Signal, hosting a podcast and producing video commentaries four times per week, and writing a weekly column. Follow on X VDHanson.

EDITORS NOTE: This Daily Signal column is republished with permission. ©All rights reserved.

The Maine Election Scam: Noncitizens, Radical Elites, and the Death of Democracy

WATCH: Victor Davis Hanson: Nazi Tattoos Used to Be Taboo—Now They’re in the Democratic Party

Editor’s note: This is a lightly edited transcript of a segment from today’s edition of “Victor Davis Hanson: In His Own Words” from Daily Signal Senior Contributor Victor Davis Hanson. Subscribe to Victor Davis Hanson’s own YouTube channel to watch past episodes.

Jack Fowler: So, let’s start off with corruption in Maine. And here’s this—Steve Robinson posted this on X the other day. “Maine Democrats are actively recruiting voters who have never lived in Maine and never paid taxes in Maine.

“Maine Secretary of State Shenna Bellows, who previously tried to disenfranchise Maine voters by removing Donald Trump from the ballot, has publicly admitted that noncitizens are registered to vote in Maine. She’s refusing to give Harmeet Dhillon [from the Justice Department] Maine’s voter files so that the Department of Justice can prevent noncitizens from raiding our elections.

“And Bellows has partnered with the Community Organizing Alliance. This is a, quote-unquote, ‘migrant-run ACORN-style group created by the alleged Medicaid fraudsters at Gateway Community Services.’” Etc., etc.

You know, Maine was once a bastion of republicanism. It has important elections coming up, Victor, and we’re gonna talk about that separately with [Graham] Platner. But this is that infamous woman who tried to keep Donald Trump off the ballot. And she is a pure ideologue and in a position of power.

Your thoughts?

Victor Davis Hanson: Well, I think there’s two issues here. One is Platner and the worry about him. The rumors are, and these are alleged rumors, but I think Mark Halperin mentioned them, that his long social media history, which is pretty crazy. Women need to wear Kevlar pants if they don’t want to be raped. White people, rural people are stupid and lazy. He’s a communist.

Fowler: All cops are bastards.

Hanson: All cops are … Yeah. And I don’t know how you can be on 100% disability for post-traumatic stress syndrome and then say you’re going to run for Senate because you’re disabled. But he’s doing that. And of course, no one has called him on it.

The other thing is if you have a candidate like that and you’re going to nominate him over, she’s not very moderate, the governor, but that he was going to win. And then once he’s in the general—Susan Collins, I know that a lot of the true-blue conservatives like us, Jack, get irritated with her, but she has to operate in the confines of Maine.

And I would say, I haven’t looked at her voting record, but I imagine—don’t you think it’s 75% or 80% with the administration?

Fowler: Yeah.

Hanson: On key votes, the SAVE Act and things like that, she disappoints, but she gets elected. And she’s smart. There’s no comparison between the two.

So, the point I’m making is that he is out of the ordinary. He also represents this new strain of elite, very wealthy—here in California, Tom Steyer is really off the scale, hard-Left, but a billionaire. We saw [Zohran] Mamdani. His two parents are billionaires. I mean, they’re not multimillionaires, but they’re very affluent. They’re from a very exclusive family in Uganda.

And then we go to Platner. He went to Hotchkiss School. He’s the son of a famous architect. His father was a lawyer. His mother is a restaurateur. So, he’s among the elite, and yet he keeps yelling and screaming about billionaires and millionaires. His parents are millionaires, no doubt. He grew up as a millionaire.

So, there’s a problem with him. And when you’re a Democrat and your heart says, I love this guy, but your brain says, he’s not gonna be electable under normal circumstances, then you opt for the change the system. And the change the system is what they always do.

James Carville outlined it. He said, when the Democrats come in, no more filibuster. No more Electoral College with a national voting compact solution to that. Four more Democratic senators under the Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico entrance. And pack the court. What does that show? He doesn’t have confidence in the Democratic message appealing to 51%.

They don’t have confidence that this guy can win. So, when they do that, they either open the border or they try to say that felons can vote or they try to change the system, and that’s what they’re doing, whether it’s off the radar or transparently in Maine because they have a problem.

And as I said, Mark Halperin reviewed his problems, and apparently, allegedly, there’s a lot more to come, Jack, about him. His record.

And it’s very ironic, well, not ironic. I should apologize for that. But the Democratic Party made such a fuss about Elon Musk’s Nazi salute. It wasn’t a Nazi salute. He saluted like we’ve seen everybody do that. Cory Booker, I think Elizabeth Warren. They all do it.

And they’ve said nothing about this Totenkopf death head, Third Panzer Division [tattoo] and also used as the Einsatzgruppen people at the death camps, and he knew. People have said, that were in his cohort, he knew what it was. He bragged about it.

He’s changed his story twice. He said, well, you know, I didn’t really know what it was until I ran for Congress, I mean, for Senate. And they told me what it was. And then he’s also said, well, you know, I was brainwashed. I imbued or absorbed this toxic Marine culture. And that made me do it.

So, he can’t tell the truth. And he thinks he’s going to win. Put it this way. 30 years ago, if you were a Democrat and you wore a Nazi tattoo for 20 years and people knew about it, that would exclude you from being nominated.

Today in the Democratic Party, the fact that he had a Nazi tattoo and he removed it will mean, A, the grandees will explain it away, or wink, nod, it will be something that will be of value because of the rising antisemitism.

It sends a message. It sends a message, and he’s reiterated again and again and again about Gaza, Gaza, Gaza, genocide, Israel, Israel, Israel, cut off—so that sends a message to the new Democratic Jacobin Party. And it’s not the Democratic Party anyway. It’s a Jacobin Party, a French revolutionary party. And they have institutionalized antisemitism. So, when a candidate sends those signals and we think they’re disqualifying, we’re in a time warp. That was 20, 30 years ago.

It’s not now.

Fowler: Victor, I want to—we have to talk about Tucker Carlson now. Here’s a headline: “Tucker praises Maine Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner.” Quote, “I certainly appreciate his foreign policy views, and I appreciate how different they are from everybody else in his party. I haven’t met him yet, and I plan to meet him.”

Hanson: Wait, wait, wait, wait, wait, wait. How is he different than anybody else? He’s representative of the Democratic party, isn’t he?

Fowler: Other than [John] Fetterman, I guess so, yeah.

Hanson: I mean, everything he’s right with Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders and the older guard that has flipped like Nancy Pelosi and Schumer. They’re for that stuff now. He basically wants open borders, doesn’t care about illegal immigration, critical race theory, DEI, transgender, all of that stuff. He can’t get elected if he wasn’t.

He’s a green guy, no fossil [fuels]—all of that stuff. And the whole He-Man, white working guy, all in the tough talk, and often laced with profanities, all of that is just superficial pablum for this mythical white working class that’ll vote for him because he’s tough.

It’s kind of insulting to the white working class because the people that I see in my neighborhood that are white working class, are pretty well-informed.

Fowler: Yeah.

Hanson: But I don’t know what Tucker-

Fowler: Oh, you said F, I’m going to vote for you.

Hanson: Yeah. I don’t know what Tucker means, but if he says that he would prefer Graham Platner, and I guess he does, because he didn’t say at the same time, he’s an interesting person. I want to interview him. But of course, I’ll also interview Susan Collins because her record, even though I don’t embrace it all, has been more representative of my entire life in the conservative movement. He didn’t say that.

So, I assume that he likes Graham Platner not because his views are at odds—I’m giving him the benefit of the doubt—with the new hard-Left Democratic Party, unless Tucker’s gone the whole Bill Kristol route. I don’t know if he has or not. Or Max Boot route. I don’t think he has.

But he must like him because Graham Platner has been outspoken in his hatred of Israel, Gaza, genocide, all this stuff. And that, it seems to me, that that’s—and he’s had people on—he has appeared with people who have endorsed, and correct me if I’m wrong, I think he’s appeared with or he’s talked with people who have been classified as pro-neo-Nazi. Really, you know, there’s kind of the Darryl Cooper, I don’t know how you’d [say it], revisionist.

So, is that why Tucker is attracted to this new face in the Democratic Party? Because if you look at the totality of what he said, it’s no different than “the squad” or AOC. It really isn’t.

Fowler: Yeah.

Hanson: And I thought Tucker’s criticism of Donald Trump was, I am a principled conservative, and I voted for Donald Trump and campaigned for him and frequented Air Force One and Campaign One. And I was at Mar-a-Lago, habitué a lot. And I did this because I agreed with 90% of his platform. I thought that’s the reason why.

And I still haven’t been enlightened by anybody. Candace. Any of them. Why, if you disagree with him on a particular issue, like you classify the 60-day, and it hasn’t been 60 days of kinetic activity, it’s been 40 days, maybe less, against Iran. You want to classify that as a forever or endless war, that he campaigned against. Okay, that’s a legitimate opinion.

But why would you take one particular issue and then say, well, I thought it over and I don’t like that wall that’s growing on the border. I don’t like the idea there’s no illegal immigration. I don’t like the idea we’re deporting 500,000 criminals. I don’t like the deregulation, the tax cuts. They’re all an abomination.

No. It’s just you crossed me on one issue and I’m done with you. Unless they can cite others, you know, that you don’t like Trump’s language or you feel that his impulsiveness or when he wasn’t respectful of the dead, with Rob Reiner’s passing, or he uses the F-word on his—something like that. But you have to come forward with something that would nullify your whole life’s conservatism.

Fowler: It’s interesting because one of the criticisms from Tucker was—recent criticisms—was that Trump was the Antichrist. And then he was interviewed by The New York Times this past weekend who—and he denied saying it. And they showed the video he clearly—yeah.

Hanson: I saw that. And he said he didn’t know what the Antichrist was, so how could he say that? And that would suggest that somebody always says things he knows.

Fowler: Yeah.

Hanson: Tucker gave an interview with the mayor of Bethlehem, who flat out said that Christians have been fleeing his city because of Jewish pressure, when in fact one of the destinations they go is to Israel, and they’re fleeing Muslim intolerance.

So, you don’t need to know everything to say something. He did say that. The Antichrist—you know, he said he didn’t know what the Antichrist was. And as I remember in the Bible, I’m just doing this—it’s in John, I think. It’s in Revelations, too. The Greek word for it is pseudochristos. The pseudo just means false. The false Christ.

And I have a feeling, isn’t he referred to in Acts or Letters as the person who, as the end of days come, he’s gonna be popular and work miracles?

Fowler: Yes. Right.

Hanson: But he’s not satan or Lucifer. He’s some type of—he’s not referred to very much in the Bible. He’s some person who’s going to emulate Christ and try to deliberately fool people. And then rob them of eternity through his sin. And they’re following his sin as deluded people.

And so if he meant that, I don’t believe he doesn’t—he’s very religious, so when he says, I don’t know what the Antichrist is, when he’s talking about Trump as the Antichrist, and he said that Trump had used foul language on Easter, and that Trump was a very magnetic person, you get the impression he did know.

Because he was trying to, I think, say that Donald Trump led us, in what I thought was a moral crusade, but it was a pseudo-crusade. Maybe that’s what he meant. I think he did. I just don’t believe that someone that aware and well-read and familiar with Christian exegesis does not know what the antichrist is.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal.

AUTHOR

Victor Davis Hanson

Victor Davis Hanson is a senior contributor for The Daily Signal, hosting a podcast and producing video commentaries four times per week, and writing a weekly column. Follow on VDHanson. Website:https://victorhanson.com/.

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America at 250: Still Dominating the World—and Here’s Why the Left Won’t Admit It

Editor’s note: This is a lightly edited transcript of today’s edition of “Victor Davis Hanson: In His Own Words” from Daily Signal Senior Contributor Victor Davis Hanson. Subscribe to Victor Davis Hanson’s own YouTube channel to watch past episodesopens in a new tab.


Hello, this is Victor Davis Hanson for The Daily Signal.

This year, on July Fourth, will be the 250th anniversary of the founding of the United States, as exemplified in the ratification, signing of the Declaration of Independence. A lot of people ask ourselves, why are we so exceptional?

Are we exceptional, or is this just American braggadocio? Well, if you look at some major indicators, it’s pretty clear that America stands like a colossus over the world today. Look at the economy. The U.S. economy is roughly a $30 trillion nominal economy in goods and services. It’s one-third larger than the Chinese economy. We hear a lot about Ascendant China, but it essentially means that one American is producing as many goods and services as four Chinese counterparts.

It’s a third bigger than the EU, which has about 70 million more people than the United States. If you look at its culture, if you look at Netflix, streaming entertainment, Hollywood, even in its decline, popular music, it accounts for about 75% of international box office receipts of all sorts.

Educationally, there’s a lot of global indices and they usually have the United States with eight to nine out of the top 10 universities. That kind of mimics the same economic standards that show that, at the top 10 companies in terms of international market capitalization, I think eight of them now are American.

In the case of the educational surveys, it’s usually Caltech, MIT, Harvard, Yale, Princeton, Stanford, etc., in the top 10. But at the top 50, 40 of them are American.

If you look at politics, the U.S. Constitution is the oldest surviving blueprint for democracy-republic. All the others have either faded or they come in and out of existence, but ours is that continuity of one particular consensual government, and its foundational document is unprecedented.

Finally, militarily, we have about 13,000 combat aircraft and their logistical support craft. That’s larger than China, the EU, and India put together. We have 11 fleet carrier groups. China is struggling to get a third. No other country has a fleet-size carrier and a carrier group. They have smaller carriers.

But then, in addition to our 11, we have nine amphibious carriers that are about the same size as most other countries’ fleet carriers. And we spend more money than most of the world combined in terms of defense budgetary.

Why did we enjoy all of this preeminence? Is it just because we have a continent-size country? Well, actually, Russia, then China, then Canada have larger territories than we do. Many countries have two oceans that border them. So it wasn’t just that we have a large area and we have natural resources.

Other countries have as many or more than we do. There has to be a secret that explains this global preeminence, and one of them, as I mentioned, is the Constitution. No other country has been able to emulate successfully our Constitution. It’s a very rare document.

It assumes that power will be collected in one particular person or one particular area, given human nature, and therefore it’s gonna check the accumulation of inordinate power through the legislative and judicial branches as being separate, each with power over the other to stop their aggrandizement of authority and power.

It has a Bill of Rights. Very few countries have a bill of rights that protect individual liberty against the state, which is outlined in the Constitution proper—the state’s authority—and then the Bill of Rights, refines or hones that in and gives precedence to the individual in terms of free expression, the sanctity of his home from search and seizure, freedom of religion, the right to bear arms, etc.

In addition to the Constitution, the United States is not founded on a class system. There are no dukes or earls, where you’re born, who your parents were, how much land your grandfather had. That doesn’t really matter very much, or at least as much as talent.

We are a meritocratic society, and we value someone, I suppose, based on their net worth more than we do their title. That sounds kind of plutocratic, but actually our system of rewarding individual success—measured by materialism or good works or philanthropy—is a much more effective barometer of talent than inherited privilege.

And so that, that lends a message to the people that anybody can make it in America in a way impossible in many of the European countries and, of course, elsewhere in the world.

We have, until recently, had a long tradition of the melting-pot, meritocratic immigration, and that meant that if you came legally and immigrants were diverse and they were of numbers of a size that could be assimilated and integrated, then it was a wonderful thing.

I mentioned the eight or nine companies in the top 10 by market capitalization. I should say that of those American eight or nine companies, four of them were founded by immigrants. So, it’s been a great boom to the United States.

And finally, we have a can-do individual culture. There’s two types of envy in the world: the envy of emulation—the good envy—and the bad envy of, anger or resentment that someone has more than you do.

The old morality tale that an American sees a Cadillac and asks somebody how he got it, rather than kicks in the tires or keys it like someone in another country would do in anger that someone has a nicer car than he does. But that does explain, encapsulate the American ethos of emulating people who are accessible rather than trying to tear them down.

We also are the largest really devout Western country in terms of the Judeo-Christian tradition that offers a brake on the appetites. When you have leisure and affluence that are the bounties of market capitalism and constitutional government, you can get decadent. You can get complacent.

In other words, our religious tradition—maybe emblemized by the Sermon on the Mount—says just because something is legal and just because somebody has the ability to do it, you should not necessarily do it because of moral and ethical considerations.

Are there dangers to this great American experiment of 250 years? Absolutely. An affluent and leisured society, unless it has familial or religious or community brakes upon the appetites, can become self-indulgent, lethargic—the lotus-eater syndrome—and fall into a slow decline.

We’ve seen that happen in Europe, the foundation of the Western tradition that is really descendant now in terms of economics, politics, culture, and its military.

Another great worry is fertility. The United States fertility rate has fallen just in 30 years from 2.1, the replacement rate, down to 1.6, as if life is too valuable, too fun, too enjoyable to waste it raising kids.

Any society that has a low fertility rate, the population ages, it shrinks, and it becomes risk-averse.

We also owe $30 trillion in aggregate national debt. We are running $1 trillion to $2 trillion annual deficits and, until recently, a $1 trillion trade deficit. These are unsustainable.

And they’ll require, first of all, a major cutback in entitlements and unfunded liabilities. And how we do that when we have a bread-and-circuses attitude, that people think the government owes them something rather than they owe the government, I don’t know, but it’s something we’re gonna have to deal with.

And finally, immigration’s gone haywire. We traded in the successful centuries-long, melting pot for the salad bowl—DEI. We have reverted to tribalism.

If we continue down that pathway, that your superficial appearance determines who you are, that it’s essential rather than just incidental to you, your identity as a human, then we’re gonna end up like every tribal society, which is failure and pre-civilization reversion.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal.

AUTHOR

Victor Davis Hanson 

Victor Davis Hanson is a senior contributor for The Daily Signal, hosting a podcast and producing video commentaries four times per week, and writing a weekly column.

RELATED ARTICLE: Iran’s regime is being suffocated, from within and without

EDITORS NOTE: This Daily Signal column is republished with permission. ©All rights reserved.

VIDEO: ‘You Owe Us’ Is the Mantra of the Left

Editor’s note: This is a lightly edited transcript of a segment from today’s edition of “Victor Davis Hanson: In His Own Words” from Daily Signal Senior Contributor Victor Davis Hanson. Subscribe to Hanson’s own YouTube channel to watch past episodes.


Sami Winc: Two things that came together for me. One was [New York City Mayor Zohran] Mamdani’s 9.5% increase in the property tax for New Yorkers, but not that alone. I’m sure our audience has read about that. But I was looking at Power Line. I always like to give a shout-out to them because they have some great articles, and they were comparing New York State’s budget versus Florida’s budget.

And they came up with, well, it’s only half at the state level. So, I thought, well, let’s look at the city level, New York City versus Miami. And while the billions that each of them has to spend is not meaningful in and of themselves. So, for example, New York City’s budget is $127 billion while Miami’s is only $3.4.

But that being said, per citizen, what has to be paid into these cities? And so, for Mamdani, each of his citizens has to pay $14,431 in for his budget. And in Miami, it’s just half of that, at just under $7,000 per citizen.

Victor Davis Hanson: And it’s more disproportionate because in New York, the number of people who are actually paying taxes is a much smaller percentage than in Miami.

He inherited the city that was this blue-chip financial market, this cultural, financial capital of the world, and the first thing he did was raise spending by $11 billion.

Second thing he did was prove that he couldn’t get the trash or the snow off the street during the storm.

Third thing he did, it was very hard to find an appointee who somewhere in their dark history had not issued or written something antisemitic.

All he does is smile and try to be … basically, his message is: I’m not Lenin, and Trotsky or Stalin. I’m the nice, happy-faced communist, and you’re going to like me, and you’re going to like my communism. We’re all going to get along.

I mean, if you’re in New York, if you’re in California, you got a choice.

If you’re in California and this billionaire tax passes, and you’ve got to come up with $50 million, you’re going flee. If you’re in New York, and they’re going to raise your property tax on these multimillion-dollar buildings, you’re talking what could be $20 or $30, $40, $50 million more a year, then you’re going to flee, get out.

If you don’t, they’re just going to keep doing it. They’re going keep targeting you because they have an idea. I don’t think people realize that.

The socialist mind … I knew a lot of socialists in the universities and some friends of mine, and they always think … The whole core of socialism is, I work hard, and no one knows how I suffer at my job as a nurse, as a farmer, whatever. And I believe in the labor theory of value.

Why is it that when Victor had a Ph.D. but he was pruning vines, he was only making $4 an hour—I was for three years—and then all of a sudden, five years later, he is an academic, and he is sitting in between classes and having coffee and he’s making $50 an hour. That’s not fair.

And so, they don’t think about supply and demand, expertise, education, nothing. And somebody would say, “Well, when Victor was pruning vines, a lot of people could not only prune them, they could probably prune them better.”

When he was teaching a particular Greek literature class, and they thought that was an important class to offer. Questionable, but that’s what they said. Very few people could do it. They don’t accept that.

And so, they run on this envy that we work hard, and we get up, and we do things, and therefore we should be compensated. And that’s what a socialist is, and they’re going keep raising taxes.

The other thing about it is, when they raise taxes, they don’t ever say thank you. California Gov. Gavin Newsom, Rep. Nancy Pelosi, even former Sen. Dianne [Feinstein], they’re all wealthy, but they never said, “We want to thank the people in California that are the 1% that are paying 50% of the income tax.”

And by the way, the 50% of the income tax in California, there’s only about, I don’t know what there is, 250 billionaires? They usually pay capital gains tax. They pay at about, I don’t know, 28%. The people in that 1% of Californians are highly compensated professionals and small businesspeople who make a million or two million, three million dollars, and then they get hit with a 13.3% tax rate, plus their federal plus Medicare.

So, they’re paying 55% of their income and nobody ever says, “Thank you for doing that, you people, we have a very skilled elite that allows us to have this huge budget.” They don’t. The attitude is always, “They have to. They have to pay more.”

I remember in 1991 there was a fiscal crisis in California and the state was broke.

Well, it’s always broke. It always has a deficit, but this was a really bad deficit. So, they decided to go after all state agencies, and one of them was the California State University system. In the past you always could lay off part-time lecturers. But then they got the idea, we exploit those people so well. We pay them so little that by laying them off—we really reduce about 40% of our classes, which are big money earners. And they don’t cost us anything. We exploit them. No benefit. But the ones that really are the high-priced assets, if you’re going to go after budget cuts, are the tenured full professor, top step in fields that we feel are not essential.

I disagreed with that. So they started laying off Russian professors, classics professors—I was on leave that year—dance professors, which was bad. It was really bad. But when you listen to them, and I knew them very well, they’d say, “Well, these people can pay. Why aren’t we taxing more? Why don’t we raise taxes?”

I said, “We already have the highest income tax.” Well, they have a lot of money, or they wouldn’t be able to pay what they do. But they never made the connection that their job was dependent on somebody being willing. So, they had just contempt for the people that were already paying their salaries.

And some of these classes had three and four people in them. But it was just outrage. It was never, “Why don’t we cut our expenses and save the taxpayer?” It was always, “Ah, they owe us. They owe us.” And that’s the attitude of the Left.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal.

AUTHOR

Victor Davis Hanson, a senior contributor for The Daily Signal, is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University and host of “The Victor Davis Hanson Show.” His website, The Blade of Perseus, features columns, lectures, and exclusive content for subscribers. Contact him at authorvdh@gmail.com. Victor on X: .

Victor Davis Hanson: The Danger of Dumbing Down American Students

In this episode of “Victor Davis Hanson: In His Own Words,” Victor Davis Hanson explains why the ignorance of American students keeps him up at night more than the threat of radical Islam.

This content was created prior to Hanson’s major surgery on Dec. 30.

Editor’s note: This is a lightly edited transcript of a segment from today’s edition of “Victor Davis Hanson: In His Own Words” from Daily Signal Senior Contributor Victor Davis Hanson. Subscribe to VDH’s own YouTube channel to watch past episodes.

JACK FOWLER: Yeah, we’re worried about the spreading growth of Islam versus the ignorance of America’s students. I mean, pure ignorance of, pure lack of knowledge, dumbness as products of our educational system.

VICTOR DAVIS HANSON: That’s another good question. I think it falls into the same category of overt versus insidious. And so, this time I’ll do the insidious.

Well, I’ll do the overt first because radical Islam can’t hurt the United States abroad.

They don’t have the technological wherewithal to do it. And every time that we’ve mistakenly gone into an Islamic country and not done well, whether it’s Afghanistan or Iraq, the reason is that there were necessary restraints or unnecessary, whichever way you look at it, that we didn’t use the full extent of our power.

In other words, we fought that battle on their terms, not ours. We didn’t do what the Russians did. When they wanted to subdue Chechnya, they just leveled Grozny.

So, what I’m getting at, if you wanted to get into an existential war with radical Islam, you could. And you could win it. And a cost of benefit analysis, maybe it wouldn’t be worth it. And a moral [war], maybe it would be questionable. But if you were an extremist, you could do it.

However, the other matter of our youth and not being able to … what was the word, delayed? Would you call it prolonged adolescence?

FOWLER: Well, you might not have prolonged adolescence and still not know what two plus two times three is, right?

HANSON: Yeah, I’m just trying to say it’s something about our young people that there’s not a code, an ethos, that says “I am 10, I’m 11, I’m 12, I’m 13, I’m 14, I’m 15, I’m going to go to school every single day.”

I can tell you that everybody screws—if I could use that word—around in high school, college. But there was, at least when I was in school, an idea that you did come to class, and you did turn in your homework, and you did learn something.

I was from a very poor school. I went to a rural school that was very poor, and I went to a high school that was rural and had not a lot of money. But I can tell you even there when I went to UC Santa Cruz with all these wealthy kids from prep schools in LA and San Francisco, they had a much better education, but I still was able to with hard work keep up.

And so, the education system was … there were no powerful teachers unions. And the teachers were, I would say half of them were excellent. And nobody attacked a teacher, nobody, and everybody did their homework. And there was no what I would call non-academic topics.

There was one class you had to take called senior problems, and they showed you World War II frightening syphilis movies. They showed you marijuana where you go crazy if you smell marijuana in a room.

And they showed you first aid, how if you’re driving—I remember the movie—you’re driving along and a guy’s in a wreck, and you jump out and tear your shirt into six different types of bandages and save his life.

And then how to write a check and how to shake a person’s hand. It was really good, valuable, I didn’t like it at the time, but I thought it was very valuable.

I think what’s happened is the therapeutic curriculum in the school, it demonizes men. It demonizes white people, white men. It does, because it’s DEI. It doesn’t approach minorities the way it used to.

And I know that people will get angry at this. When I was in fourth and fifth or sixth grade, Mrs. Evans, the speech pathologist, would come in. And I had a pathology. I would say W for R. I would say if you wanted to say, “a red rocket,” I’d say, “the wed wocket.”

And she would say, “You know, you’re not Elmer Fudd. You’re going to get in here,” and she would show me how to make my mouth. I can still remember how to make a round circle with my mouth. And then they had an old tape player, and then they would play it back. I was mandatory 20 minutes a week with her.

And everybody had that. And then if you had a strong accent, she would say, she would come to our class, “I have a stick shift Chevy.” And half the class were recent immigrants.

“I got a stick chip chubby.”

“No, you do not have a chubby. It’s called a Chevy. And I’m saying this because I want you to excel, and I want you to speak the King’s English without a trace of accent. And that goes for all of you.”

And it was very valuable. But you would be fired today for cultural appropriation or something like that. But you just have to look at the results.

I live in a town where I’m 72, and I think that almost everybody I went to high school with who’s still alive, who’s Mexican American, is an unqualified success. Everyone. Everyone.

I mean that sincerely. And I can tell you that the next generation below me was a success. But this new therapeutic DEI victim [education emphasis] is not working. Because again, commission and omission.

The omission is you waste time on these therapeutic studies classes, and you don’t give them math, analysis, logic, language, syntax, grammar, biology, and commission. You fill people’s heads that they can’t make it, that they have an enemy holding them back.

You don’t tell people, you wouldn’t dare tell people as we were told, “Well, you’re 18 and we would expect that you, if you’re going go to college or learn a trade by 20, you’re on your way. And we would expect all of you by 21 or 22 to have your house and by 23 at the latest to get married.”

I got married at 23 and I remember I saw a teacher, one of my old teachers, “Well, I was wondering when you were going to get married, what happened to you?”

FOWLER: Old man Hanson.

HANSON: Yeah. “What happened to you?” 23.

I mean, it’s prolonged adolescence. It’s the toxic masculinity. It’s the curriculum. It’s the therapeutic. It’s the DEI.

And the result is I get really tired of all these leftists that brag on themselves. “Look at what we’ve done. Look at what we’ve done. Look at the society we’ve created.”

I just say to them, do you really think that if you took people from 1965 out of a high school class versus today in any major high school they would be better or worse at algebra.

I can tell you they’d be a lot worse today.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal.

AUTHOR

Victor Davis Hanson, a senior contributor for The Daily Signal, is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University and host of “The Victor Davis Hanson Show.” His website, The Blade of Perseus, features columns, lectures, and exclusive content for subscribers. Contact him at authorvdh@gmail.com. VD on X: .

An Autopsy of a Fading Civilization Afraid to Name Its Enemies

In his December 2025 commentary for The Daily Signal, “Leaders Fail When the Threat of Radical Islam Is Ignored,” Victor Davis Hanson does not merely contribute to the 24-hour news cycle; he pens a digital memento mori for a fading civilization. To review this piece from the perspective of a cultural archaeologist is to see Hanson as a man standing amidst the marble dust of a crumbling forum, frantically sketching the silhouette of a storm that the city’s architects insist is merely a light fog. Hanson emerges here as a “Prophet in the Ruins,” an intellectual classicist who recognizes that the collapse of a society rarely begins with an external breach of the walls, but with an internal rot of the language used to describe the danger.

WATCH: Why Western Leaders Won’t Acknowledge ‘Radical Islam’

From this perspective, Hanson’s article is a primary source document on the “Era of Euphemism.” He dissects a peculiar 21st-century pathology: the belief that naming a demon is more dangerous than the demon itself.

Hanson begins by mapping a series of violent tremors – shootings in Australia, cancellations in Paris, and executions in Rhode Island. However, his focus isn’t on the ballistics or the blood; it is on the lexicon of the aftermath. He observes a recurring ritual among Western elites: the “nanosecond” pivot. Whenever a radical Islamist strikes, the political apparatus performs a linguistic sleight of hand, widening the lens until the specific threat disappears into a foggy generality of “all extremism.”

Hanson’s critique of the Bondi Beach response is particularly sharp. He views the Australian government’s refusal to name the ideology of the killers – preferring to pivot to “white extremism” even when the perpetrators were on terrorist watchlists – as a form of state-sponsored gaslighting. Through the lens of a cultural historian, this is the “Suicide of Clarity.” Hanson argues that when a society loses the courage to identify its enemies, it has already lost the will to protect its citizens.

The most intellectually provocative segment of the article is Hanson’s analysis of how Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) has moved from a HR initiative to a national security vulnerability. He describes DEI as a “binary” religion that has categorized the world into fixed roles of victim and victimizer based on skin color and heritage.

In this framework, Hanson argues, the radical Islamist is granted a “victimhood shield.” Because they are perceived as part of the “oppressed 30%,” their actions are viewed by Western elites as symptoms of Western failure rather than autonomous acts of ideological warfare. This perspective is a fascinating reversal of traditional geopolitics. To Hanson, the West is no longer being conquered by external armies, but by an internal software update that has deleted the concept of “self-defense” from the cultural hard drive.

Hanson’s review of Western decline takes on a casi-theological tone. He speaks of “spiritual, emotional, and psychological” decay. By linking low fertility rates, anemic military spending, and “green energy zealotry” to the threat of radical Islam, he presents a holistic theory of civilizational exhaustion.

He posits that the West is “slouching” toward its own end not because it lacks the technology to win, but because it lacks the “confidence” to exist. The cancelation of Christmas in Paris is his “smoking gun.” To Hanson, when a majority population of 65 million people cancels its own sacred traditions to avoid offending a radicalized 10%, it is not practicing “tolerance” – it is practicing “pre-emptive surrender.” He views this as a “pathology of the elite,” who would rather see their culture erased than be accused of an “-ism” or a “-phobia.”

Perhaps the most poignant “unique” observation in Hanson’s piece is the mention of the Syrian immigrant who tackled the shooter in Australia. In a strange irony, Hanson highlights that it was a man from an “antithetical society” who displayed the very Western virtues – courage, decisive action, and physical defense of the innocent – that the native Western leaders lacked. This creates a fascinating subtext: the “West” is no longer a geography or a race, but a set of values that some immigrants cherish more than the bureaucrats born into them.

To review Hanson’s article is to acknowledge that he is playing the role of Cassandra. His prose is heavy with the frustration of a man who sees a pattern that his peers are incentivized to ignore. He identifies a “perfect storm” where open borders meet a lack of assimilation, fueled by a domestic ideology that views the host culture as inherently evil.

Hanson’s “Radical Islam” article will likely be remembered by future historians as a desperate plea for “The Great Re-naming.” He argues that the first step to survival is the restoration of the truth: that there are ideologies that wish for the West’s destruction, and that no amount of DEI training or semantic gymnastics will change that fact. It is a grim, unflinching look at a civilization that has replaced its “will to power” with a “will to disappear,” and it challenges the reader to decide whether they are watching a tragedy or a transformation.

© 2026 . All rights reserved.

RELATED ARTICLE: Halting the Islamization of Europe

The Return of Normalacy

Preeminent historian and great American think Victor Davis Hanson on Trump’s counterrevolution.

Please share widely.

Victor Davis Hanson: Trump’s Counterrevolution in Washington, D.C.

Victor Davis Hanson discusses the misleading information about the first 30 days of the Trump administration’s actions, comparing it to FDR’s first hundred days. On this episode of “Victor Davis Hanson: In His Own Words,”

Hanson describes the current period as a “Trump restoration” rather than a revolution, emphasizing it as a counterrevolution against the changes brought by the Obama administration. “ We don’t really appreciate what we’ve been through with eight years of the Obama revolution and the four-year, more radical third term of Obama using or employing the wax effigy of Joe Biden. A revolution that we’ve experienced was a cultural, economic, political, social revolution.

It was very similar to the French Revolution under the Robespierre brothers. You should remember what they tried to do. They changed the days of the week. They renamed things. They tore down statues. They went after the churches. Does this sound familiar? … “ So this was a revolutionary movement. Movies were different. Sports were different. Take a knee.

And Donald Trump came in and it was not sufficient to say we’re going to stop the madness of $37 billion. …  It’s a return to normalcy. It’s a return to common sense.

It only looks revolutionary to revolutionaries. But to the rest of the people, it is a counterrevolution to restore normalcy and bring the country from the far-left fringes back home again.”

00:00 Addressing Misinformation
00:53
The Trump Counterrevolution
01:48
Comparing Revolutions: Then and Now
02:05
Radical Changes in Society
03:08
Political Shifts and Proposals
04:49
Trump’s Vision for Restoration
06:05
Conclusion

AUTHOR

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EDITORS NOTE: This Geller Report is republished with permission. ©All rights reserved.

‘Completely Unhinged’: Victor Davis Hanson Says Dems’ Fury Against Trump Nominees During Hearings Is Political Misstep

Hoover Institution Senior Fellow Victor Davis Hanson explained on Friday how Democratic senators’ attacks on President Donald Trump’s nominees during confirmation hearings are backfiring politically because of conservatives’ current ability to push their messages more effectively online.

Many Democratic senators have taken adversarial approaches to Trump’s cabinet nominees, including screaming at them, interrupting them and hurling accusations against them. Hanson, on “Victor Davis Hanson Show,” said that Trump’s nominees have all excelled at their hearings as they have come under fire from Democrats.

WATCH:

“The funny thing about all these nominees that some of the RINOs [Republicans in name only] in the party deprecated: Pete Hegseth, Pam Bondi, Kash Patel, man when they go before those people— Sean Duffy — they have all of the answers,” Hanson said. “They’re really impressive people and they go head-to-head. It’s kind of they have a wink and a nod, and I think their logic, I’m just suggesting this, I don’t have any confirmation, but their attitude — they go in very confident.”

“So, their attitude is basically, ‘I have 53 senator votes and you have none to stop me. You can’t stop me. Now you think you’re going to get [Republican senators Lisa] Murkowski and [Susan] Collins and maybe Mitch [McConnel]? I can still get confirmed,’” he continued. “‘So, I’m not going to kiss up to you in any way possible. In fact, the only thing I worry about is not getting 50 senators. And the only way I would not get 50 senators is to sell out Donald Trump, and I’m not going to do that. I’m not stupid, and I don’t want to anyway.’ And that gives them a lot of confidence.”

McConnell, Murkowski and Collins all voted against Hegseth’s confirmation to be secretary of defense, but Vice President J.D. Vance broke the tie to confirm him on Jan. 24. His confirmation followed a hearing that included Democratic Virginia Sen. Tim Kaine accusing him of infidelity and Democratic New York Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand lecturing him for eight minutes about women serving in the military.

“And then you get these people frustrated, like [Democratic Massachusetts Sen.] Elizabeth Warren. She’s come off as completely unhinged. And then they don’t understand the media that the left — polling right now — 37% — and I guess it was the latest Emerson poll, 37% said they approve of the Democratic Party,” Hanson added. “Do they understand how they drive that down when somebody like Elizabeth Warren just cuts off [Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) nominee Robert F. Kennedy Jr.] RFK, won’t let him answer a question, screams and yells.”

Hanson referenced how Warren pressed Kennedy to “commit” to not accepting compensation for any lawsuits against drug companies during his potential tenure at HHS and for four years after, which prompted a heated exchange. He asserted that immediately after the clash, “the right-wing blogosphere” noted that Warren and Independent Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders were the two senators who raised the most money in pharmaceutical contributions.

Senators on both sides of the aisle who critically questioned Kennedy at his Wednesday and Thursday hearings found their contributions from the healthcare industry and their personal investments in the pharmaceutical industry and companies that make highly processed food being highlighted on X, receiving millions of views.

The Democratic Party’s approval rating plunged to 31% among registered voters, according to Quinnipiac polling released Wednesday.

Sanders exploded at Kennedy during his Thursday confirmation hearing after the nominee accused him of corruption for accepting pharmaceutical industry donations. Hanson suggested Warren and Sanders are examples of “hypocrites that are defending big pharma against RFK,” saying “that doesn’t work” because of conservatives’ ability to push their agenda in part because of how billionaire Elon Musk has run social media platform X.

Hanson also said Democrats wrongly assumed attorney general nominee Pam Bondi was “just a blonde bimbo” and that they could “tear her apart.” He said that she instead “t[ore] them apart.” He similarly said they underestimated Hegseth.

“And then they see Pete Hegseth. And they go, ‘This guy is weird. He’s got the Jerusalem cross, you know, and he’s been married three times. And we’re just going to slice him up because I’m Senator Sanders and I’m Senator [Chuck] Schumer, I’m Senator Warren, I’m Senator Sheldon Whitehouse.’ And then he just destroys them,” Hanson said.

He also said Kennedy “destroyed” the Democratic senators while FBI Director nominee Kash Patel dealt with them “like carving a Christmas turkey.”

AUTHOR

Jason Cohen

Contributor.

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EDITORS NOTE: This Daily Caller column is republished with permission. ©All rights reserved.


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‘Almost Unhinged’: Victor Davis Hanson Lays Out Issues With Media’s Coverage On Out-Of-Context ‘Bloodbath’ Remarks

Hoover Institute senior fellow Victor Davis Hanson detailed issues Monday on Fox News with the media’s out-of-context coverage of former President Donald Trump’s “bloodbath” remarks.

Hanson appeared on “The Ingraham Angle” to discuss the coverage of Trump’s remarks made over the weekend that it would be a “bloodbath for the country” if Biden was reelected in reference to the threat he believes the Biden Administration poses to the auto industry. Fox host Laura Ingraham asked Hanson about the “seriousness” of the issues, adding that the media has continuously taken the former president’s words out of context and claimed that he was escalating violence. 

“It’s serious because it shows you that these people are in free fall,” Hanson said. “They are almost unhinged because they have tried to destroy Donald Trump through lawfare and indictments are not working. They tried to get him off the ballot. They tried to bankrupt him and ruin him psychologically, physically, and financially – that hasn’t worked. They look at the issues that are important to all of us, Laura, the border, crime, inflation, what happened in Afghanistan, two wars that broke out on the Biden watch, energy, and they can’t run on any of them because they have been an ungodly disaster.”

“Then they look at the candidate themselves, and he is not able to function as a normal 21st-century candidate,” he added. “They look at the vice president. So this frustration builds up. And they just lash out and they – they make it worse. They are like an addict – they don’t understand that the fixation is destroying them and destroying their popularity, their theme, and message. But they can’t stop, they’re so obsessed. I’ve never seen anything like this before.”

Following Trump’s remarks on Saturday at an Ohio campaign rally, coverage of the former president’s “bloodbath” line circulated online. Alongside the corporate media’s coverage, Biden’s campaign team posted a nine-second clip of the remark without providing context to viewers that the former president was referring to the auto industry.

Trump took to social media Monday to hit back against the backlash he received, clarifying the context of the comment.

“I was simply referring to imports allowed by Crooked Joe Biden, which are killing the automobile industry,” Trump wrote. “The United Auto Workers, but not their leadership, fully understand what I mean.”

AUTHOR

HAILEY GOMEZ

General assignment reporter.

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EDITORS NOTE: This Daily Caller column is republished with permission. ©All rights reserved.

VIDEO: Brace Yourself For What’s Coming in 2024

Watch this clip of Victor Davis Hanson warning about what will happen during the 2024 election.

Transcript by Real Clear Politics:

VICTOR DAVIS HANSON: They look at Trump as a vampire and they put a stake in his heart but they’re afraid that that stake could come out any time. That he’s undying and they’re afraid of him. They are terrified of him.

They are terrified of him because they think he’s smarter this time and he has just cause to really get angry because of what they did to him. They can write all of The Atlantic Monthly and New Yorker clever, glib little essays about “Donald Trump is a threat to democracy,” and their little Molly Ball in Time Magazine essays how clever and brilliant they were with their cabals and conspiracies to get rid of him.

But deep down inside they know that if the right ever did that to Barack Obama or Joe Biden, they could have really made something out of the fact that Barack Obama had a hot mic expose where he told the president of Russia, “You tell Vladimir that I will be flexible on missile defense.” That’s the security of the United States of America. “If he gives me space in my last election.” Putin did do that. That’s an impeachable offense if a phone call to Ukraine is. So they understand that, the right could have done that to them, and they understand now the right probably will do that to them for their own survival, and they are scared.

They’re saying that if a MAGA candidate wins, and they win the House and Senate, they’re cooked because they’re going to get special prosecutors and go after the Biden family like they’ve never gone after anybody. And they’re going to find stuff because we know Joe is crooked. And then they’re going to go after [Attorney General] Merrick Garland and [Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro ] Mayorkas. And they’re not going to stop. And that’s why they’re scared.

Everybody thinks the danger passed, they got what they wanted. No, no, no, you’re never going to see anything like what they’re going to do in 2024. All of this could have been reconciled, all they had to do was say Donald Trump should not be president if that’s what they believe, and we’re not going to do any lawfare or try to change the voting laws or pack the court, we’re not going to let in two states, we’re not going to try to abolish the Senate filibuster, we’re not going to try to change the voting ID laws, we’re just going to play under the rules we have, we don’t need $419 million by Mark Zuckerberg infused, we don’t need Sam Bankman-Fried, the crook, giving us $100 million, we’re not going to go under the radar with George Soros, we’re just going to show you, the American people how we think Donald Trump should not be president and we’ll have a fair election. They can’t do that, and they don’t trust themselves.

They think anybody in his right mind would close that border right now. Anybody in his right mind would recall all of those DAs that have destroyed these major cities. Anybody in his right mind would not beg the Saudis or the Venezuelans or the Russians or the Iranians to pump oil on the eve of a midterm, or pump the strategic petroleum reserve when you have so much natural gas in the U.S. Nobody in their right mind would do that. Nobody in their right mind would ever just pull out of Afghanistan without warning just so Joe Biden can say that on the 20th anniversary of 9/11 or the original October invasion of Afghanistan, “I am the president that got us out.” Nobody would do that. And nobody would print $6 trillion when there’s pent-up demand post-Covid lockdown and there’s a supply chain disruption, and all that money without an audit or examination of who got it and why and how it was spent, but to inflate the economy and ruin it. Nobody would do that! So they know that and they know that they cant take that record to the American people.

They have a deductive mind because their ideologues, so they start with a premise that we’re for social justice and equity of result, so we’re morally superior and smarter than anybody else. And therefore we’re entitled to do things other people don’t do. So if, under the cover of Covid, and frightening people about Covid, we can change all the voting laws so that 30%, instead of voting absentee and early voting shall become 70% in most states, with very little audit of the level necessary to authenticate most ballots.

They just do all this stuff because they start with the deductive principle that, “We are better, this is the vision and thereof the following must happen.” And if things don’t fit the narrative, they go after the person, they censor. That’s how they work. And if you keep that in mind, than everybody makes sense.

What I’m saying is they go on from one lie to the next.

So everybody now knows that Donald Trump was impeached for things that Joe Biden got away with. OK. Everybody knows the laptop was authentic. Everybody knows that now. Everybody knows it would have made a big difference in that debate when Donald Trump said it was and Joe Biden said, “Oh, no, no, 51 authorities.” Everybody knows that Christopher Steele was a fraud, and especially Glenn Simpson. And that Hillary Clinton took over an old Never-Trump file and inflated it with a million bucks, got the FBI on it to hire Christopher Steele as a consultant-informant, hid her so-called legal expenses when she was fined and cited for that violation, through Perkins-Coie, Fusion GPS, and the DNC, and that file was fraudulent. It was made up! I said that the first time I saw it, everything in it was false. And yet we wasted 22 months and $40 million to know what was obvious. No apology, not only no apology but they got Pulitzer Prizes, some of these reporters.

Every time they give these monstrous lies, there’s no apology, and why should they? They’re just narratives, the’re post-modern Foucauldian, Lacan, Derrida narratives. They were useful. That’s what they look at. They were useful at the time, because when we went through the Mueller investigation, we crippled Donald Trump and therefore we were able to stop him. We had Anonymous, he was burrowed deep into the Homeland Security. He was a minor official, but we said he was one of the major operatives in the Trump administration, we lied. And then we printed his op-ed because it did what it was supposed to do, it weakened the right-wing agenda, so they think. And we got Admiral McRaven to come in and write an op-ed and said Trump should leave, the sooner the better. And then we got all of the four-star generals, McCaffrey, McCrystal, all of them, to say that Trump was Hitler, that he was Mussolini, that he was a liar, he was dangerous. We got Mark Milley to call the Chinese. We did all of this.

Yes, we do not want this to be done to us. If right now, a retired four-star general said Joe Biden is senile or dangerous of the Afghan thing is a disaster and he should be removed sooner or later, or his weaponization of the DOJ or FBI is Mussolini-like, or his hounding of individual people at school boards, or the way he conducted the Mar-a-Lago raid is Nazi-like — and I’m just quoting from what they’ve said — you know what’s going to happen to those people? You’re going to get [Attorney General] Merrick Garland to call up the Pentagon and they’re all going to be slapped with a Code 88, uniform code of military justice and court-martialed for disparaging the commander-in-chief. Trust me, they would in two seconds. And that’s not going to happen. They’re not going to say anything because they’re not equally going to apply their standards of correct behavior. And second, they’re going to say things about Donald Trump because they know the media and the Pentagon are not going to do anything to them. Now? They would destroy them if they ever criticized the commander-in-chief. They would go after them like you would not believe. And they know that.

We’re talking about, to sum up and end this, they understand deterrence. They are saying to the American people, “We are SOBs, we’re capable of everything and anything. Which side do you want to be on? Because if you’re on our side, you can do what Hunter Biden is, there are no consequences. If you want to say the voting machines are crooked like Jill Stein, go ahead, she said that in 2016. If you want to be Barbara Boxer and 32 Democrats and say you’re not going to certify the Ohio count and hold up the whole election, don’t worry, they did it in 2004. If you’re Al Gore and the attorney general says the votes have been counted and certified in Florida. Oh no, we’re going to sue and hold up the entire election for a month. And so, you can do all of that — as long as you’re on our side. But if you don’t do that, and you want to go on the other side, you’re in big trouble.”

That’s the message they’re trying to send, that’s what we’re really getting down to. Join the winning side. It’s sort of like in the Soviet Union, if you’re part of the nomenclature and you join the party, you’re exempt; if you’re not, well, you’re on your own.

People say to me: “You’re an academic and you spent your whole life, how did you deal with the 94% of all academics who are left-wing? … Why are they so left-wing? Do they have tenure? They’re exempt from worrying about losing their job? … Are they idealistic because they deal with words?”

I say, “No, they understand that if you want to get tenure and be promoted and liked, you parrot the majority. If it paid better, they’d be fascists.”

AUTHOR

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VICTOR DAVIS HANSON: From One Unapologetic Media Hoax To The Next

Joe Biden lied repeatedly when he claimed he knew nothing of his son Hunter’s influence-peddling businesses.

The president further prevaricated that he had no involvement in Hunter’s various shake down schemes.

Yet, the media continued to misinform by serially ignoring these facts.

Had journalists just been honest and independent, then-candidate Joe Biden might have lost a presidential debate and even the 2020 election. The public would have learned that Hunter’s business associates and his laptop proved Joe was deeply involved in his son’s illicit businesses.

Later, as the evidence from IRS whistleblowers mounted, the White House stonewalled subpoenaed efforts and sought to craft an outrageous plea deal reduction in Hunter’s legal exposure.

Reporters ignored the Ukrainians who claimed Joe Biden himself talked to them about quid pro quo arrangements.

They again discounted Hunter’s laptop that explicitly demonstrated that Hunter was whining that he had handed over large percentages of his income to his father Joe — variously referred to as the Big Guy and a “ten percent” recipient on many deals.

They played dumb about Joe Biden’s use of pseudonyms and alias email accounts to hide thousands of his communications to Hunter and associates.

They attacked the former Ukrainian prosecutor Viktor Shokin, who now claims Biden was likely bribed by Ukrainians.

Yet the media can no longer hide the reality that the president of the United States likely took bribes to influence or alter U.S. policy to suit his payers. Those two crimes — bribery and treason — are specifically delineated in the Constitution as impeachable offenses.

In denial, the media has instead pivoted with hysterical glee over various weaponized prosecutions of former President Donald Trump.

But now, to use a progressive catchphrase, the proverbial “walls are closing in” on Joe Biden.

So will we at last expect the media finally to confront the truth?

Answer — only if Joe Biden’s cognitive and physical health continues to deteriorate geometrically to the point that he can no longer finish his term or run for reelection — and thus becomes expendable.

Such a cynical view of the media is justified given their record of both incompetence and unapologetic deceit.

From 2015 to 2019, we were suffocated 24/7 with lies like “Russian collusion,” “Putin’s puppet,” “election rigging” and the “Steele dossier.”

When all such “evidence” was proven to be a complete fraud cooked up through Hillary Clinton’s stealthy hiring of and collusion with a discredited ex-British spy, a Russian fabulist at the Brookings Institution and a Clinton toady in Moscow, did the media apologize for their untruth?

Was there any media confessional that perhaps Robert Mueller and his left wing legal team (the giddy media-dubbed “all-stars,” “dream team” and “hunter killers”) proved a colossal waste of time?

Not at all.

Instead, the media went next right on to “the phone call” and “impeachment.”

The country then wasted another year.

The same biased reporters now claimed that the heroic Alexander Vindman had caught Trump fabricating lies about the Bidens — given Joe Biden was a possible 2020 opponent — to force Ukraine to investigate them or lose American foreign aid.

On that accusation Trump was impeached.

Then the truth emerged that unlike Joe Biden, Trump never threatened to cancel aid, but merely to delay it.

Trump was right that the Bidens were knee deep in Ukrainian bribes and influence peddling.

And that the whistleblower had no first-hand knowledge of the Trump call but was spoon fed a script cooked up by the gadfly Vindman and California Rep. Adam Schiff.

The result was journalistic glee that we impeached a president for crimes that he did not commit but exempted another president, Biden, who had likely committed them.

Then came the next hoax of the Russian fabricated facsimile of Hunter’s laptop.

The 2020 Biden campaign along with an ex-CIA head rounded up “51 intelligence authorities” to mislead the country into believing that Russian gremlins in the Kremlin had fabricated a fake laptop.

Ponder that absurd fantasy: Moscow supposedly had created fake nude pictures, fake photos of Hunter’s drug use and fake email and text messages from Hunter to the other Bidens.

The media preposterously convinced the country that the Russians and by extension Trump had once again sandbagged the Biden campaign.

No apologies followed when the FBI later admitted it had kept the laptop under wraps for more than a year, knew it was authentic and yet said nothing as the media and former spooks misled the country and warped an election.

Now we are enmeshed in at least four court trials on cooked-up charges that could as easily apply to a host of Democrats as to Trump.

For the last eight years, a discredited media has never expressed remorse for any of the damage they did to the country. And they will not again, when their latest mythological indictments are eventually exposed.

AUTHOR

VICTOR DAVIS HANSON

Victor Davis Hanson is a distinguished fellow of the Center for American Greatness. He is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University and the author of “The Second World Wars: How the First Global Conflict Was Fought and Won,” from Basic Books. You can reach him by e-mailing authorvdh@gmail.com.

The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and do not reflect the official position of the Daily Caller.

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EDITORS NOTE: This Daily Caller column is republished with permission. ©All rights reserved.