The 2019 Intelligence Assessment: The policy implications for Gaza
It would seem futile to conduct yet another indecisive round of fighting, only to return to yet another tense and sporadically violent interbellum for several years—until the next major flare-up of fighting…
Military assessment warns of high risk of war with Gaza – The Times of Israel, Feb. 13. 2019.
Israeli military report predicts high probability of clashes in Gaza… in 2019 – i24News, Feb. 13, 2019.
Chief of Staff: Prepare for Gaza conflict – Israel National News, Feb. 13, 2019.
Intelligence assessment for 2019: IDF prepares for confrontation with Gaza – Channel 20News, Feb. 13, 2019.
This Wednesday (Feb. 13, 2019) the annual Intelligence Assessment was presented to the IDF General Staff, less than a month after Lieutenant General Aviv Kochavi assumed his position as Chief-of-Staff. From it, the Israeli public learned that a quarter-century after allowing Yasser Arafat back into Gaza (1994); almost a decade-and-a-half after Israel evacuated the entire Gaza Strip (2005), leaving it to the exclusive control of the Palestinian-Arabs; and after three major military campaigns over the last decade, Israel is once again on the cusp of another violent conflagration with the terrorist-controlled enclave. Thus, according to the depressing IDF assessment: “Gaza…is the most volatile region, and there is a risk of terror groups initiating action [against Israel].”
Undrinkable water, raw sewage flows, perennial power outages
Last December, I was excoriated by the Canadian Anti-Hate Network, for reaching what I consider to be an inescapable, fact-based conclusion that, “Eventually, there will either be Arabs in Gaza or Jews in the Negev. In the long run, there will not be both!”
Accordingly—since there appears little chance of the Palestinian-Arabs in general, and the Gazans in particular, morphing into something they have not been for over hundred years—for anyone who favors the option of Jews remaining in the Negev, there is little option but to reconcile oneself to the lamentable fact that “The solution to the problem of Gaza is its deconstruction—not its reconstruction.”
Indeed, I would be intrigued to hear what my detractors have in mind for Gaza and how they envisage the fate of the hapless enclave in, say, ten to fifteen years from today. For already, its unfortunate inhabitants are in dire straits, with most of their natural water sources polluted, with raw sewage flowing into the streets, and with electrical power available for only a several hours a day.
Significantly, this grave situation has been precipitated despite the fact that Gaza has received one of the world’s highest levels of international aid and massive flows of humanitarian merchandise from Israel, which have, almost invariably, been promptly expropriated by Hamas. Ominously for the people of Gaza, this aid appears to be diminishing, making the future seem even bleaker than the present.
The onset of “donor fatigue”?
Indeed, in light of overwhelming evidence of the lack of good governance in the Palestinian-administered territories, in general and in Gaza in particular, there are increasing signs of “donor fatigue”. Of course, the most significant manifestation of this is the massive curtailment of aid by the current US administration, both to the Palestinian Authority (PA) and its related institutions, as well as to UN institutions rendering services to the Palestinian population—chiefly to the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). However, other donor countries have raised concerns that the aid they provide may be misused. Thus, Australia, for example, has decided to divert the aid it gives via UN—rather than directly to the PA.
In a recent study (December 2018), Natan Brown, professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University, diagnosed one of the major reasons for growing donor disillusionment: “For Palestinians, the problem is deeply rooted in more than just the policy inclinations of their leaders.”
He warns: “That leadership itself has decayed and lost much of its ability to shape Palestinian political horizons and strategic thinking. Palestinian leaders and institutions … pursue no coherent ideology, express no compelling moral vision, are subject to no oversight, and inspire no collective enthusiasm. The problem goes beyond the corruption that has been an issue in the past to a pattern of disengagement from any practical state-building efforts.”
Gathering gloom over Gaza
Brown sets out the gathering gloom that ongoing trends auger for
Gaza: “The recent history of Gaza offers a grim
warning of the severe consequences that can follow when international
assistance declines…. When Hamas took over Gaza in 2007, the PA split between
Hamas-controlled Gaza and the Fatah-controlled West Bank. As two-state diplomacy
began to lose traction, international actors simply postponed efforts to
address this problem.”
Although, as he noted, “Some international assistance continued to flow to
Gaza, but it was seen as humanitarian support. Most donors avoided supporting
official institutions and politics more broadly. Attention, diplomatic energy,
and funds shifted elsewhere (primarily to the West Bank and the PA there).”
He describes the results of these developments: “After
more than a decade, the results are clear: disastrous humanitarian conditions,
radicalization, and periodic bouts of violence. Rather than an actual peace
process, the negotiations that take place between Israelis and Palestinians in
Gaza alternate between containing violence and threatening it.”
Brown then issues a sober warning as to the likely consequences: “…if
international donors tacitly abandon not merely Gaza but the entire Palestinian
people based on a combination of conscious U.S. policy and declining European
interest—then future generations of Israelis and Palestinians are likely to pay
a high price. The conflict would probably metastasize and no longer be amenable
to diplomacy of any sort.”
Two flimsy excuses
In the public discourse, two flimsy excuses are commonly bandied about in the mainstream media for the ongoing fate of the general population in Gaza.
Both portray the inhabitants of Gaza as victims – either (a) as victims of their leadership and/or (b) as victims of Israel’s repressive blockade of the hapless enclave.
With regard to the former, the Gazans are not the blameless victims of their leadership.
Quite the opposite!
They are the very crucible in which that leadership was formed, and from which it emerged.
To underscore this, over the last five years, public expression of collective Palestinian preferences have consistently shown “overwhelming” support for lethal attacks against Israelis (including civilians inside the pre-1967 lines), and for the “pay-to-slay” payments made to “security prisoners” (read, “jailed terrorists”), who have murdered countless Israelis in cold blood—often in the most brutal manner.
Indeed, a poll conducted just over a year and a half ago by a leading Palestinian survey institute, the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, found that 85% of Gazans supported maintaining payments to said “security prisoners”, while recently thousands of Gazans rallied demanding release of convicted perpetrators of terror-related offenses.
Moreover, a December 2018 poll, conducted by the same Palestinian institute, showed that the Gazans display little remorse for their election of Hamas. Thus, according to its findings, in a future presidential election, Hamas’s Ismail Haniyeh would trounce incumbent Mahmoud Abbas of Fatah by almost two-to-one!
Consequence not cause
As for the later excuse, it is
demonstrably and indisputably clear that the imposition of the quarantine on
Gaza is the consequence—not the cause—of the Gazans enmity towards Israel.
Indeed, to attribute the hostility toward Israel to the dire humanitarian
situation in Gaza plays directly into the hands of Israel’s detractors. Worse,
it is in effect, to be complicit with the enemy—endorsing its mendacious and
malevolent narrative.
After all, it necessarily implies that if only Israel would somehow initiate/facilitate an improvement in Gaza’s living conditions, the violence would subside. This not only reinforces the false claims that Palestinian terrorism is driven by Israeli-induced economic privation, but also that Israel bears the responsibility for such terror, which is, therefore, no more than an understandable reaction to hardship and despair, externally imposed by an alien power.
But this is a transparent inversion of causality.
For, the penury in Gaza is not the cause of enmity towards the Jewish state. Quite the opposite! It is enmity towards the Jewish state that is the cause of penury in Gaza.
The current conditions in Gaza are not the result of a lack of international humanitarian aid, or of Israeli largesse. Gaza has enjoyed an abundance of both, only to squander them on efforts to harm Israel—by diverting massive resources to the construction of a vast military infrastructure with which to assault the Jewish state.
Gaza: “Cutting its nose to spite its face”
Indeed, anyone with even a smidgeon of familiarity with Israeli society and its basic impulses, must know that, had there been any genuine desire for peaceful coexistence with its Jewish neighbors, Gaza would have flourished. Israeli enterprise and expertise, which transformed Israel from a struggling agricultural-based country to a super-charged post-industrial powerhouse in a few decades, would have flooded into the enclave, providing opportunity and employment for its impoverished residents.
So, in effect, the only thing that
the Gazans need to do to extricate themselves from their current predicament
is…nothing! All they need to do is stop what they are doing now—attacking
Israel. Indeed, the only thing that needs to happen for Gaza to thrive is for
them to convincingly foreswear hostility and embrace peaceful coexistence with
Israel.
But of course, that will not happen! For that is not in the nature of the Gazan populace, hopelessly immersed in quagmire of their own making of Judeophobic hatred and Judeocidal desire that is strangling any prospect of extricating themselves from the web of destitution and despair into which they have inextricably bound themselves.
2019 Intelligence Assessment: The point of yet another round?
So back to the 2019 Intelligence Assessment…
According to its appraisal, there is a good chance of the radical Islamic elements in Gaza initiating a provocation that would compel the IDF to engage (once again) in large-scale military action—either to punish or prevent attacks on Israel’s civilian population. But what would be the long term—indeed, even the intermediate term—point of such action?
After all, it has been tried time and again in the past
ten years—in Operation Cast Lead (2008-9), Operation Pillar of Defense (2012) and
Operation Protective Edge (2014) –to little or no avail. Despite inflicting
heavy damage on its adversaries, the IDF is now confronted with foes, whose
martial capabilities are far beyond anything once even remotely imagined.
Accordingly, it would seem futile to conduct yet another indecisive round of
fighting, only to return to yet another tense and sporadically violent
interbellum for several years, until the next major flare-up of fighting—which
would once again end with a tense sporadically violent interbellum, until the
regime in Gaza felt strong enough to engage again. Or too weak not to.
2019 Intelligence Assessment & Albert Einstein
It
was Albert Einstein who famously said that one could not solve a problem with
the level of thinking that created it. Clearly,
the problem of Gaza was created by the belief that land could be transferred to
the Palestinian-Arabs to provide them a viable opportunity for self-governance.
Equally clearly, then, the problem of Gaza cannot be solved by persisting with
ideas that created it – i.e.by persisting with a plan for Israel to provide the
Palestinian-Arabs with land for self-governance.
The problem can only be solved by entirely abandoning the concept that Gaza should
be governed by Palestinian-Arabs. Any effective solution must follow this new
line of reasoning.
Any other outcome will merely prolong the problem. If Hamas comes out stronger
from the next round of fighting, it will be only a matter of time before the
next, probably more deadly, round breaks out.
If Hamas comes out weaker from this round of fighting, it is only a matter of
time before it will be replaced by an even more violent extremist-successor –
and thus, once more, only a matter of time until the next, probably more
deadly, round breaks out.
The only durable solution requires the IDF to take over the Gaza Strip, to
dismantle the ruling regime there, and to extend Israeli sovereignty over the
entire Strip– and then initiate a large scale enterprise for the humanitarian
relocation of the non-belligerent Arab population.
2019 Intelligence Assessment & Herbert Hoover
This is the only approach that can solve the
problem of Gaza.
This is the only approach that will eliminate the threat to Israel continually
emanating from it.
It was former US President Herbert Hoover, dubbed the “Great Humanitarian” for his efforts to relieve famine in Europe after WWI, who wrote : “Consideration should be given even to the heroic remedy of transfer of populations…the hardship of moving is great, but it is [still] less than the constant suffering of minorities and the constant recurrence of war.”
How could anyone, with any degree of compassion and humanity, disagree?
EDITORS NOTE: The featured image by hosny_salah on Pixabay.
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